


y.v,v?;,5Sc;!„^^i;,«;,v.«,;',*^yy 



wui^i^m^ 



^i^hViVkWjv.wyv 



^^^^VjZ 



jUyU^^VV^WVWV^^i 



WVV; <^ ^ V V V V -'.^^i w',*^, >.:^.:i;^A;i,'iviui ', 



v'J^^ 



ILIBPiARY OF CONGRESS.! 



|Wt|o- J 

{ ^;<.'/c^ :B:.](..i7.; c I 

llll UNITED STATES OF AMeJicA. | 



yJwww'ww 



oJuiju 



ovjv)gg^;w'JWW¥»«i 



"^^^t^m^iii^i^^^, 



- j^^W' 



jgW^W 



ww^vuvu^^'^:^^^^ 



.^vv^U^W^jW^^^^'' 






I 



v-vwv^WWWw*J«ggiS>^,^ 



^^•y;^.\jM,' 



ogyw 



WWWW|/WWv 






^^^^^-^ 



WW * >^ vWW'^ 



wg\jg 



w^' 



'g^'^^^^ 



^iaiiW: 



W V'^^ 












^^ C^j v';v'^ 



- uvvv^\/g^gg.^^^^; 



"» « s f ■^?'».|Sfv v^;;v:^.%;^-;^^'^*^^'^^wvyyywsi 



v^u 






WWSi^'* 



^^Vig^ggg 



WVvw'wv 



iwi'J^VW«*vy\>*^ww*«wOww* 






\J ^ -^ u >^, 



wgvvvw 



www WW w.w,/ V w V . , v^!^ . .^gWvwwguwuw. nf 






/ 



YATICANI8M Unmasked 



OR, 



EOMANISM 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 



BY 



A PTJEITAN or THE NINETEENTH CENTUEY. 

V 

/I 4, .». OicUw 




CAMBRIDGE, MASS.: 
I'UBLISHED BY THE PEINCIPIA CLUB. 

Post-Office Address, Box 104. 

1877. 



Taa I#IBRARy 
OF CONGRBSS 

WASHlNOlOir 



^^ 






PREFACE 



The papal church is a human institution which throws 
her sacerdotal robes over the whole civilized world. The 
Pope usurps the authority of Jesus Christ as the supreme 
head of the church militant on earth, and claims the right 
to rule the world in God's stead. This audacious claim is 
rigidly enforced in all parts of the world by military power, 
where the claim is disputed, and where there are bayonets 
enough to insure success, at the command of the Vatican. 
In a Republic like this, diplomacy, strategy, intrigue and all 
manner of fraud and deception are used according to circum- 
stances, until the civil power is under control, after which 
obedience to the supreme Pontiff is the law of the land. 
He usurps the prerogatives of both Christ and Caesar. This 
arrangement is quite convenient, inasmuch as there is but 
one source of authority, and nobody is in danger, by trans- 
gressing Christ's command "render therefore unto Caesar 
the things which are Caesar's, and unto God the things that 
are God's." This is a logical sequence of papal supremacy 
and infallibility. Once established, one mind can rule the 
world from a single point to wit, the Vatican at Rome. A 
syllabus ex-cathedra is better authority in the mind of a 
papist than a " thus saith the Lord " of the Bible. The Pope's 
bull of excommunication has more terrors in it than all the 
thunders of Sinai, and the penalties of God's broken laws. 

These propositions may seem extravagant to those who 
have never examined the subject, but the reader will find 
them sustained in the following pages : 

In the third decade of the present century, when fitting 
for college under a Jesuit priest, the writer was thoroughly 
instructed in the aims, plans and future prospects of the 
Roman Hierarchy, in this country, as well as in the doc- 
trines of the papal church. During the last fifty years we 
have studied the nature and watched the progress of Roman- 
ism in this Republic, with intense interest, hoping to see 
some abler pen lay open its real character and designs to 
protestants of the nineteenth century. 

In reading the histories of eighteen centuries it has 
become more and more apparent that the claims of the vat- 



3 

ican to infallibility, to universal dominion, to an unbroken 
line of succession from the apostles, to the power of absolu- 
tion from sin through time and eternity, are one and all 
stupendous humbugs, and the greatest frauds ever palmed 
off upon the human race. 

To establish these blasphemous claims in these United 
States and territories, and upon this continent, is the work 
of the present century, by the Roman Hierarchy, through 
its cardinals, bishops and priests, as has been openly and 
boldly avowed by them from time to time. 

It is the design of this pamphlet to lay open the true 
character of the institution which purposes to substitute des- 
potism for republicanism in this country, and we have con- 
densed the proofs from history so as to bring them within 
the reach of the protestant masses, before it shall be too 
late, to resist the encroachments of the papal power. 

The histories to which we are chiefly indebted are ^' Mill- 
man's Latin Christianity," including the numerous authors 
quoted by him, both protestant and papal, to the " Period 
of the Reformation by Hausser," to the " Huguenots in 
France after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, by 
Samuel Smiles," to " D'Aubigne's History of the Reforma- 
tion of the sixteenth century," and '* A Synopsis of Popery 
as it was and as it is, by William Hogan, Esq., formerly 
Roman catholic priest." 

After the first three centuries of the Christian era, satan 
was permitted to take possession of the church, as he was 
permitted to take Job in hand more than fifteen hundred 
years before. The pure gold of Christianity was soon buried 
in the rubbish of sacerdotal religion and christians were well 
nigh smothered into silence for more than a decade of cen- 
turies. But Jesus Christ had said of his church (not the 
Pope's) " the gates of hell shall not prevail against it," and 
after satan had had ample time to extinguish it, God arose 
in his power, dug out of that mountain of rubbish, the ore, 
separated the gold from the dross in his great refining- 
pot of free discussion, and set the current in another direc- 
tion. John Wicklifie, John Huss, Jerome of Prague, Mar- 
tin Luther, Melancthon, Zwingle and others were evidences 
that the great principles of Christianity yet lived. Luther 
began the Reformation by attacking the papal system first 



^ 



in its corrupt practices and second in its doctrines. Pope 
Leo X flattered, threatened, raged and bellowed in turn 
His Bulls were issued and served as sandpaper to burnish 
the -old which had become dim by long disuse until all 
Germany was lighted up with gospel fires. Luther, armed 
wiiithe^Bible, lent out'to battle with the supreme Pontiff 
Tn his legate; as David with his shng and smooth stones 
g^ve battle%o Goliath and the Philistines. The one waa 
moral, the other a physical power, with an Almighty arm 

'^Shriste'ntm has two systems of -"?^-' Chnstianity 
and Hierarchism, from which to choose God is the author 
of the first which is the only system that embraces human 
salvation The priest is the author of the second which is 
he Jystem we shdl lay open in this pamphlet, as delineated 
in hltory. In the hierarchial system, ecclesiastical ;.e«a«c. 
was substituted for christian repentance in Christianity. 1 he 
translation of the new testament was altered to conform to 
Ss counterfeit of a great fundamental principle in ch^is- 
tianitv, which substituted the Roman Pontiff for Je^us 
cS and placed the priest between the Creator and h.s 
creatures. In the protestant Bible repmtance^. .. exercnse 
of the heart, contrition for sin against God, and an act 
towards God. In the Douay testament penance is sub ti- 
tuted for repentance contrary to the true rendering of the 
original Greek. This is the fundamental difference between 

''%Tt^:^X'Z:\. Poman catholic church is the 
only institution in this world that claims 'nfalljbihty, and 
thaiit is, of all others, the most corrupt, ;?"g°'51y ^-i^i f^^^^ 
potic; and consequently it is no more entitled to the char 
acter of catholicity than satan it to that of saint. 

We also propose to show from its own history that t has 
never reformed, that its character has been essentially the 
"L for the kst fourteen centuries, that when modifid 
in its professions at all in any country, it ^^^^J^*^" ^^.V 
while getting possession of the civil power, as "ow in «u» 
Republic, and'that the civil power when once in ts ban J 
has always been used to smother Christianity .and force 
tians into obedience to the demands of the Vatican. ^^^^^^^ 

Cambridge, Mass., 1877, 






CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER I. 

Romanism. — Civil Power. — Protestantism 6 

Charges against the Papal Church 8—9 

The Autocracy and Despotism of Papacy. — Union of Church and State 9 

First Universal Bishop..— Apostolic Succession JO 

A Feudal Sovereignty — half Spiritual, half Temporal 11 

Death to Preach the Gospel — Cruelty to Heretics 13 

Pope Innocent IV. and Frederick II. — Contest for Power .14 

Boniface III. — Philip the Fair — Edward I. — Papal Despotism 14 

Pope John XXII. — Control for Power continued — God and mammon combined. 18 

The Hierarchy — Council of Pisa — John Wycliffe — The Reformation 19 

John Huss — Jerome of Prague — John XXIII. — Benedict XIII. — Gregory XII. 19 

Council of Constance — Pope John XXIII. Deposed — Cardinal's Hat 20 

Luther and the Reformation , 21 

Louis XIV. — The Huguenots — Edict of Nantes Revoked — The Inquisition. . .25 

CHAPTER II. 

Vaticanism in the Nineteenth Century. 



4. France v 33 

5. Mexico 35 

6. United States 37 

37 



1. Germany 30 

2. England 31 

3. Italy 32 

The Papal Church and the Freedmen . . 

The character of the Papal System unchanged 39 

1 Its aflaiiation with the Pro-Slavery Party before the war. Its rewards after ... 39 
2. Its sympathy with the rebellion — Resistance of the Draft — New York Riots. .40 

4. The Roman Catholic Opposition to our common schools 41 

CHAPTER III. 

To the Freedmen of America. The Political Trinity of Despotism 46 

1. The Democracy — 2. Slaveocracy — 3. The Papacy 54 

CHAPTER IV. 

Despotism vs. Republicanism. The great battle between Despotism and Republi- 
canism — The Hamburg Massacre — Protest of the Colored People 60 

CHAPTER V. 

A limited ballot a substitute for universal 75 

The Roman Catholic vote — Cardinal McCloskey 76 

The ballot a sacred trust — How it should be guarded 77 

Chief Justice Chase and President Lincoln 79 

Attorney General Taft on the Educational qualification 80 

President Grant on protecting the ballot 82 

The Ballot not a natural right but a civil privilege 83 

A second rebellion organizing — Boston Daily Advertiser and Gov. Chamberlain 86 

Wade Hampton of South Carolina 87 

The B alldozing democracy 90 

Tilden's plurality all fraudulent votes — How obtained 91 

Plan to intimidate the U. S. Senate — Its failure 92 

The Electoral Commission — Senate intimidation 93 

The last encyclical letter of the Pope 94 

An appeal to save the Republic 98 

A blow at Priestly influence in Canada — Supreme Court 99 

CHAPTER VI. 

The Political Trinity Victorious 102 

Gov. Chamberlain's letter to President Hayes on his peace policy 103 

The New Orleans intimidating mass meeting lOG 

The Hayes and Packard vote in Louisiana 107 

The Hampton crack of the whip in South Carolina 108 

American liberty the peace oflFering to rifle clubs 109 

Gov. Chamberlain's address on the withdrawal of the troops 110 

Gov. Chamberlain sacrificed and virtually deposed 113 

The triune despot of bulldozing democracy to rule H'^ 

Protest against the sale of the Republican party 115 

The colored people saved the American Republic in 1865 H^ 

Hayes elected in 1876 by colored votes 117 

The Principia Club 118 



VATICANISM UMASKED. 

CHAPTER I. 

ROMANISM CIVIL POWER — PROTESTANTISM. 

The history of the Latin church from its apostacy from 
the true church in the fourth century, is a history of crimes 
committed under the garb of religion. The assumptions of 
its long lines of Popes to rule the world as vicegerents of 
God have succeeded in every country on the globe where 
the political power could be added to the ecclesiastical. In 
this country the papal power has not yet gained the victory, 
but it has already captured the outposts of protestantism, 
and while satan is singing to the protestant church the 
lullaby of no danger, the cunning papacy is making rapid 
strides to the very citadel of protestantism. 

Their priests already claim that their church embraces 
within its folds a majority of the officers of the army and 
navy of the nation. 

In another chapter we shall show, what the newspaper 
press has already published as items of news, that a very 
large majority of the police force of our principal cities are 
Roman Catholics, and we will add here for the considera- 
tion of our protestant friends, the patent fact that they are 
organizing military companies all over the land — building 
immense cathedrals in all the principal cities, and especially 
in the Southern States for the negroes. 

But what are the scattered forces of the protestant 
church about all this time? They have had the civil power 
in their hands ever since the landing of the Pilgrims and 
the organization of this republic. Their sons seems to have 
forgotten what their fathers taught them, to wit, that 
" eternal vigilance is the price of liberty.'* 

They are like a family of children quietly sleeping while 
the house over their heads is on fire, or while the lighted 
fuse is quietly burning its way to a powder magazine under- 
neath it and them. 

Thus the churches are sleeping on, while the papal forces 
under the supreme control of the Vatican at Rome are 



intriguing for the possession of the civil power of this coun- 
try, which means according to the most authentic histories 
of that church, the entire snuffing out and extinction of 
protestantism. That we do not overstate the case we ap- 
peal to history and beg our protestant friends to give the 
subject a thorough investigation. Two and a half centuries 
ago protestantism fled from the persecutions of the old 
world, and took possession of a howling wilderness on this 
continent, where they could worship God according to the 
dictates of their own consciences, with none but owls and 
Indians to molest or make them afraid. In process of time 
they constituted the Pulpit and the Press their watchmen 
and placed them on the watch towers of Zion to guard their 
liberties, and warn the people of their danger whenever it 
approached. Some twenty-three hundred years before that, 
under a theocracy, God revealed to his prophet Ezekiel the 
penalty a watchman incurred in not blowing the trumpet to 
warn the people of their danger when he saw the sword 
coming. These are his words : " But if the watchman see 
the sword come, and blow not the trumpet, and the people 
be not warned ; if the sword come and take any person 
from among them, he is taken away in his iniquity ; but his 
blood will I require at the watchman's hands." Ezek, 33: 6. 

Watchman what of the night ? Do you not see the papal 
sword glistening in the distance? If not, it is only because 
it is hid under ths tinsel robes and gaudy trappings of 
the hierarchy, and wo to the watchman who does not blow 
his trumpet to warn the people of the approach of the ene- 
my. We use the English language not to cover up crime, 
neither do we propose to tax our ingenuity to conceal great 
rascalities behind little "irregularities." The time has 
come to know who is for Christ and who for an ti- Christ. 

And now that the Protestant powers are uppermost in a 
large part of Europe and no longer under the control of the 
papal power she is pushing for this country, landing her 
forces by the thousand in New York, where naturalization 
papers await them and where they are at once transformed 
into voters, supplemented by Jesuits and sisters of charity 
by the ship-load, to instruct them in their duties to the 
dominant party of that democratic city. In this way she 
hopes to hold the balance of power between the two political 



8 

parties, until by the power of majorities, at no distant 
day, she can capture this country and wield its immense 
resources and power in her own interest. A disturber ev- 
erywhere she is making herself felt a disturber here. Her 
nature and history are one, and she will never rest until 
she has gained the ascendency in this country, and when 
that day comes the Republic, as our fathers framed it, and 
as her sons have administered it, is no more. These are 
grave charges and should not be lightly made. But we do 
make them under the following count, in proof of which w^e 
summon her own history. 

1. Her claim of universal power, temporal and spiritual, 
in heaven and on earth, exalts her above all civil govern- 
ments, in the eyes of her devotees. 

2. Her attempt to seize and exercise this universal 

power, AS GOD ON EARTH ! 

3. This power disallows disagreement with her own 
dogmas, and enforces her authority with the death penalty, 
when and where she has military power enough to enforce 
it. 

4. She has always sought alliance with the political 
powers to enforce her audacious claims. 

5. She absolves her adherents from the duty of obeying 
the civil government in all cases when the government does 
not favor her schemes. 

6. She instructs her adherents how to act, and how to 
vote on all matters touching her interests. 

7. She is hostile to whatever is national and American 
in distinction to what is Roman catholic, to wit, free press, 
free speech, free schools, open bibles, a sacred Sabbath, &c. 

8. She insists that her adherents shall in no way frater- 
nize with protestant Americans, socially or religiously, nor 
imbibe the national spirit, and is bent on promoting among 
them clannishness, bigotry and intolerance, (catholic ser- 
vants are not allowed to attend worship in protestant fam- 
ilies or protestant meetings. The church demands separate 
schools, separate literary, benevolent and temperance socie- 
ties.) 

9. Her spirit has grown more intensely Romish and 
intolerant within the last twenty or thirty years than ever 
before in this country. Note the renewal of the Pope's 



claim to Infallibility, its admission, his anathemas against 
those who reject it — Maryolotry — the Guibord burial 
case — church celebrations — their prior right to our streets 
on St. Patrick's day — church building, consecrations, &c. 

10. She is always on the side of oppression as against 
republicanism and gives her influence and support to the 
party that will most aid her schemes and interests, as for 
instance the democratic party in New York — and the 
Southern rebels. 

11. She makes no concealment of her purpose to take 
possession of this country, and rule it in the interests of 
Rome ; e. g., " Father Hecker's '' boast — his mission 
^abroad to stir up catholic emigration to this country for the 
purpose of increasing the catholic vote — Her efforts in the 
south to capture the colored people after they were eman- 
cipated and made voters, and the poor whites whose stupid 
ignorance is the best qualification for papal rule — the 
boasts of the priests that they have now a majority of the 
army and navy officers. 

12. Probable understanding between the southern lead- 
ers of the democratic party, and the leaders of the Catholic 
church, the politicians to help the church to converts and 
spiritual power, and the church to help the politicians to 
voters and political power. Note the speech of Jeff Davis 
at New Orleans, the Pope's special kindness during the war, 
and the reluctance to educate either race, except in church 
dogmas and military tactics. 

THE AUTOCRACY AND DESPOTISM OF PAPACY UNION OF 

CHURCH AND STATE ECCLESIASTICAL AND CiVIL 

POWER COMBINED. 

In the early part of the fourth century, under Constantine 
the Great, the papal power began to make more serious 
inroads upon the democracy of Christianity. Two fearful 
strides were taken in that direction by the emperor, design- 
edly or otherwise, to wit, 1st, the union of church and state 
under one supreme head, and 2d, the legal power given the 
papal church to hold real estate and other property in its 
own name. This opened the floodgates of corruption to 
such an extent that the supreme head of church and state 



10 

on earth was hardly able to withstand it, and to which 
many of his successors implicitly yielded. This constituted 
the papal church, the great savings bank of the world, and 
confirmed its creed as the only legal Christianity. Its finan- 
cial condition was improved, at the expense of the revenues 
of the state. For several centuries its immense wealth was 
lavished in building cathedrals, monasteries and nunneries. 
The priest's office became lucrative, and corrupt men pressed 
into it. For hundreds of years bishoprics were bought 
and sold in the market with impunity, and simony was the 
rule and not the exception. The Pope was not only the 
supreme head of the church but commander-in-chief of the 
armies. His cardinals and archbishops were his field officers 
caparisoned with sword and spear, boot and spur, and his 
soldiers were his most effective instruments for the " con- 
version " of heretics at the point of the bayonet. Some of 
their exploits in this direction throw the day of Pentecost 
into the shade. 

FIRST UNIVERSAL BISHOP APOSTOLIC SUCCESSION. 

The autocracy of the papal power culminated when Bon- 
iface III. was appointed universal bishop. In the early 
part of the seventh century, Pope Boniface HI. was ap- 
pointed to that position, not by Peter or any of his success- 
ors in the church of Christ — not by election in any eccle- 
siastical body — not by any people — but by that pious fraud 
Phocas, an unmitigated tyrant and usurper, whose crimes 
were of the darkest dye, an unfortunate link in the chain of 
claimed apostolic succession. This is by no means the only 
break in that chain, for looking into the history we find in 
the eleventh century that the papal chair was vacant one 
year, after being occupied by a boy ten years old, and thrice 
driven from the throne — again in the thirteenth century 
there was no Pope for three years, and at another time in 
the same century the papal chair was vacant for two years 
and three months — in the fourteenth century eleven months 
at one time and two years at another, during which the car- 
dinals were quarrelling for the position. If such be the 
"unbroken chain of apostolic succession" the protestant 
church is in no immediate danger of strangulation by it. 



11 



CONTEST FOR WEALTH AND POWER. 

From the days of Constantine in the fourth century to 
those of Boniface III. in the seventh, and Innocent III. in 
the thirteenth, there was a continual contest for wealth and 
power between Popes and Emperors, Archbishops and Kings, 
church and state. When death vacated a throne, and the 
hereditary heir was in his minority, it afforded an opportu- 
nity for the opposing power to gain the ascendency. In 
some cases the empire was in the ascendant, but more fre- 
quently the church. During these centuries the papal power 
had claimed one prerogative after another, until the contest 
culminated in the autocracy of the Pope, and Kings and 
Emperors alike lay at his feet, the victims of an absolute 
and irresponsible power. The chief points which the Pope 
claimed as his exclusive prerogative were 

1. General supremacy of jurisdiction ; a claim, it is 
obvious, absolutely illimitable. 

2. Right of legislation, including the summoning and 
presiding in councils. 

3. Judgment in all ecclesiastical causes, arduous and dif- 
ficult. This includes the power of judging on contested 
elections, and degrading Jbishops, a super metropolitan power. 

4. Right of confirmation of bishops and metropolitans, the 
gift of the pallium. Hence by degrees, rights of appoint- 
ment to devolved sees, reservations, &c. 

5. Dispensations. 

6. The foundation of new orders. 

7. Canonization. 

A FEUDAL SOVEREIGNTY HALF SPIRITUAL, HALF 

TEMPORAL. 

In addition to the above claims or included in them, were 
many others established from time to time, to complete a 
feudal sovereignty, half spiritual and half temporal. Every 
monarchy in Europe had, one after another, become mere 
fiefs of the see of Rome. The supreme Pontiff of Rome 
was the God of earth. Practically, the God of heaven, the 
King of Kings and Lord of Lords — the Creator of all 
things in heaven and in earth, was a secondary power called 
upon only when necessary to strengthen the anathema of 
the Pope to bring rebellious Kings and Emperors into sub- 



12 

jection to the church of which Innocent iii. was the 
supreme pontiff at this time. His word was law ; he claimed 
the power to forgive the sins of the greatest criminals, (or 
make them damnatory through all eternity) provided the 
criminal had wealth enough to satisfy the rapacity of the 
holy fathers and would cast it into the yawning maw of 
mother church. He could legitimatize the bastards of licen- 
tious kings and make them legal heirs to the crown, at a 
moderate price. He could grant absolution from all the 
sins of time, and also eternal happiness to any prostitute or 
undivorced queen, who could pay. He could not tolerate, 
marriage among his clergy, but could allow them, what 
most of them accepted as a substitute, free rein and uncon- 
trollable license in the convents. There was no gulf fixed 
between the monasteries and convents that could not be 
passed with impunity and the cases of moral purity in either 
were the exceptions rather than the rule. 

He could dispense crowns and kingdoms or withhold 
them for a higher bid, by declaring them feudatory to the 
see of Rome. We might quote pages, but will give a sin- 
gle specimen on the latter point. Pedro, king of Aragon 
in Spain, a descendant of Charlemagne, conceived a passion 
for the rich and beautiful Maria, but as she was already the 
wife of Count Comminges, to whom she had borne two chil- 
dren, and as the Count had two wives living at the time he 
married the said Maria, the matter seemed to be a little 
mixed. By an arrangement between Pedro and the pope 
the thing was easily done by constituting the kingdom of 
Aragon, a fief of the Roman see, and the annual tribute 
of two hundred gold pieces, to be paid by the said Pedro 
and his successors to the said Pope Innocent iir. and his 
successors. Thus Pedro and Maria were constituted hus- 
band and wife. Both had lived in open violation of the 
seventh commandment, without the endorsement of the pope, 
but now with it. All the commandments of the decalogue 
were at his disposal, to be enforced or abrogated at his 
sovereign will and pleasure. 

WEALTH OF MONASTERIES. 

The way to this pinnacle of fame and power had been 
paved by Charlemagne, Hildebrand and others until it was 
easy to lay the capstone of the edifice. The monasteries, 



13 

which in the earlier centuries were the receptacles of the 
poor had become rich. As they increased in numbers, rank 
and influence, they ignored more and more the humbler 
classes. Their rules gradually relapsed. Their narrow 
cells grew into stately cloisters, deserts into parks, her- 
mits into princely abbots. They became great religious 
aristocracies — worldly without impregnating the world 
with a religious spirit. It took hundreds of years to teach 
monastic Christianity that the way to subjugate the world 
was not to coop up a chosen few in high-walled and secure 
monasteries in order to subdue the world into one vast 
cloister. They seem never to have heard of Christ's simple 
method, "go ye into all the world and preach the gospel to 
every creature." It is certain they had never obeyed the 
command, if they had ever heard of it. 

DEATH TO PREACH THE GOSPEL CRUELTY TO HERETICS. 

To preach the gospel or embrace it after the apostolic 
pattern was heresy, and a crime in the eye of the Latin 
church, punishable with death. The popes claimed to be 
the only authorized successors of Christ and the apostles, 
and yet they put to the torture any one outside of the Latin 
church who believed and preached as the apostles did. 
The hierarchy did not require a belief in the apostles' doc- 
trine, but only in the " holy catholic church " and the pope. 
If they believed and served these, they could with impunity 
cut out the tongue, put out the eyes, draw and quarter or 
burn alive heretics, and be rewarded for their amusemenU 
These things were repeatedly done by order of the pope 
and his legates. No temporal power without a powerful 
army at command dared oppose the edicts of the supreme 
head of the church, and no monastic order under Innocent 
in. recognized the democracy of Christianity with two 
exceptions, to wit, St. Dominic and St. Francis, and those 
were received with coldness by the pope and tolerated for 
a short time only. The monasteries were said to be the 
poor-houses of the middle ages. The crusades and holy 
wars of the church were not defensive but offensive wars, 
inaugurated and carried on for a double purpose in the 
interest of the church, to wit, the conquest of heretics 
and plunder, and the increase of the church in numbers and 
wealth. 



14 

POPE INNOCENT IV. AND FREDERICK II. CONTEST 

FOR POWER. 

After the death of Innocent iii. the contest for power 
and pelf was continued with redoubled fierceness and fury 
between Pope Innocent iv. and Emperor Frederick ii. 
These two autocrats, the one spiritual, the other temporal, 
were neither of them content with the prerogatives which 
properly belonged to them, but each contended for the 
supreme power. If the pope had been satisfied to rule 
supreme in the church, and allow the emperor to do the 
same in the state, much bloodshed and war would have been 
avoided. But the haughty, rapacious, and implacable pope 
was not so easily satisfied. When charged with heresy, 
Frederick did not hesitate to burn heretics by the hundreds 
to prove that he himself was not a heretic, but a true 
believer in the canons of the church. When hard pressed 
by the papal power, his appeal to primitive Christianity and 
the doctrines of the apostles, his promulgation of demo- 
cratic laws, with justice and equity as their basis, were all 
master-strokes of policy to shake the fabric of medieval 
religion, and undermine the all-powerful hierarchy. The 
raising and equipment of armies and navies was a game 
that two could play at. Papal bulls, excommunications, 
and the dreaded anathemas from the Vatican, were hurled at 
Frederick with lavish profusion, but in return Innocent iv. 
found an adversary that was not afraid to hurl them con- 
temptuously back into his teeth, especially so when a powerful 
army stood ready to vindicate imperial power. 

BONIFACE YIII. PHILIP THE FAIR EDWARD I. 

PAPAL DESPOTISM. 

In the last decade of the thirteenth century the strife for 
the mastery between the temporal and spiritual powers still 
raged, but between different parties. The insatiate maw of 
the Pomish church had already gobbled up half the wealth 
of Europe, and her cry was still give, give. Boniface 
VIII. was a despot hard to match among kings and 
emperors. As supreme head of the church, the forgiver 
of sins, the peddler of absolutions, the granter of eternal 
happiness, and God on earth, he had had no superior if any 
equal. He even surpassed his predecessors in his rapacious 



15 

claims of the revenues of empires and kingdoms, as well as 
the prerogatives we have specified. At the jubilee of the 
centennial, the abject submission of Christendom would indi- 
cate that the representative of St. Peter had reached the 
zenith of his fame, perhaps of the Roman pontificate. His 
ruling passions were intoxicated, his ambition tempted, his 
pride swelled and his avarice glutted by the immense 
treasures laid at his feet by millions of worshippers from 
all parts of Europe. 

War between France and England had caused the two 
haughty monarchs, Philip the Fair and Edward I. to 
demand of the clergy a portion of their revenues, to im- 
prove their exchequers and enable them to carry on the 
war. The pope interfered, and the contest was fierce. In 
the second year of his pontificate Boniface viii. made a 
bold strike to sever the property of the church from all 
secular obliojations. He issued a bull declarinor himself '" the 
one exclusive trustee of all the lands, goods, and properties 
held throughout Christendom by the clergy, by monastic 
bodies, even by universities; and that without his consent 
no aid, benevolence, grant, or subsidy could be raised on 
their estates or possessions by any temporal sovereign in the 
world." Nor was this all. *'No tax was to be levied on 
any property of the church, without the distinct permission 
of the pope." The penalty of taxing or receiving taxes 
was excommunication and the denial of absolution until the 
hour of death, and for paying taxes, on the part of the 
clergy, deposition was the penalty. 

On the other hand, the kings of France and England, 
each for himself and in his turn, dealt some stunning blows 
to the whole papal despotism. The wealth of the church 
enabled the pontiff of Rome to make war or peace, accord- 
ing to his sovereign will and pleasure. Neither king could 
see it his duty to defend his realm against an enemy (and, 
of course, protect the treasures of the church within his 
realm), and lay the whole burden of the war upon the tem- 
poral power. As the church held so large a portion of 
property it was but fair for the hierarchy to pay their 
proportion of government expenses for protecting it. Ac- 
cordingly they demanded a quarter to half of the annual 
income of the clergy. King Edward, as an offset to the 



16 

bull of the pope, took into his own hands the administration 
of temporal affairs, shut the courts against the clergy, and 
declared " that those who would not contribute to the 
maintenance of the temporal power, should not enjoy its 
protection." Philip also struck the popedom in its most 
vital and sensitive part. " If the clergy might not be taxed 
for the exiojencies of France, nor might in any way be 
tributary to the king, France would no longer be tributary 
to the pope." He also prohibited the export of gold, silver, 
and other articles to Rome, and proscribed bankers and 
other agents from transmitting papal revenues to Rome. 

These papal bulls on the one side and kingly edicts on 
the other are simply specimens of others which are too long 
for this article. Boniface vui. began to realize that the 
two kings were more than a match for him, and found it 
necessary to modify his next bull in several essential par- 
ticulars. The bold and defiant tone of Philip, his sound 
logic, and appropriate quotations of scripture to sustain his 
positions, placed the clergy of his realm in a position to 
choose whom they would serve, the king or the pope. 

The pope thought it not prudent to contest these broad 
and bold principles of temporal supremacy, and run the risk 
of losing his power over his own clergy and impairing his 
reserves. 

Edward saw a cloud rising in Scotland too portentious to 
be neglected. The exchequer of both kings had become 
depleted. Neither the pope nor either potentate could 
maintain the lofty airs he had assumed, and the way was 
paved for a treaty between Philip and Edward. Boniface 
saw his opportunity to act as mediator and save his own 
dignity at the same time. A treaty was arranged between 
the contending armies of France and England and the 
centennial was celebrated as we have already related. 

Soon after the centennial jubilee, the disputed preroga- 
tives of the temporal power were again usurped by the 
ecclesiiistical. Pope Boniface viii. issued his bulls with 
an unsparing hand against the king of France and in quick 
succession, while Philip the Fair paid him back in edicts 
equally severe and mandatory. It was "diamond cut dia- 
mond," and so continued until 1303, when the supreme 
pontiff was summoned to the bar of that God whose pre- 



17 

rogatives he had usurped during his whole pontificate. No 
previous pope had been summoned to the judgement to 
answer for a catalogue of darker crimes. According to the 
testimony of many witnesses, " the works of the flesh " 
enumerated by Paul in the fifth chapter of Galatians, 
attached to the supreme head of the infallible church of 
Rome, but none of the "fruits of the spirit." From the 
death of Boniface to that of his successor, Clement v., in 
1314, the popedom had a most precipitous fall, after which 
its ruling influences were more subtle than powerful. 

The successors of St, Peter and Caesar were about equally 
sordid and corrupt. Philip the Fair of France was per- 
mitted to curse the world for more than a decade after the 
death of Boniface viii. with Clement v. as a vassal and 
supple tool. He succeeded in extinguishing the order of 
Knights Templars for the sake of their immense wealth. 
The temporal, assisted by the ecclesiastical power, put to 
the torture and burned at the stake all of that order who 
would not renounce their principles, and those who did 
renounce, and who acknowledged crimes they had never 
committed were kept in dungeons to drag out a miserable 
life. In either case their property was confiscated to the 
state or the church, or both, whose covetousness was not 
only not satisfied but whetted for a contest for the whole, in 
which the pope was more successful than the king. Both 
Clement v. and Philip iv., however, were summoned to the 
judgement-seat of Christ within a few months of each other 
during the same year, 1314. The pope dedicated his vast 
estates and ill-gotten gains, not to the church, but to 
nepotism, and the king squandered his share of the spoils 
and died a miserable bankrupt. The church, under the rule 
of Clement v., wa's said to have gone headlong to ruin. 
The hierarchy had reached the maximum of her power only 
to be hurled down to a proper level. The house of Philip 
was speedily and mysteriously extins^uished as a condign 
retribution for his extortions, cruelties, and barbarities. 
Nor could his sons, with each an adulteress for a wife, long 
delay the penalty for bis and their crimes. 



18 



POPE JOHN XXII. CONTEST FOR POWER CONTINUED. 

GOD AND MAMMON COMBINED. 

The successors of Clement v., and especially John xxii./ 
continued the strife for the temporal power, which became 
a leading topic of the controversy. The spiritual democracy 
began to be more bold in their opposition to the claims of 
the avaricious and godless hierarchy. Pope John xxii. 
held "that Christ, immediately on his conception, assumed 
universal temporal dominion." He forgets Christ's answer 
to Pilate, " My kingdom is not of this world, if my kingdom 
were of this world then would my servants fight." One of 
the late papal edicts claims that the " pope alone promul- 
gates law; he alone is absolved from all law. He sits alone 
in the chair of the blessed St. Peter, not as mere man but 
as man and God. His will is law ; what he pleases has the 
force of law." 

Pope John xxii. acknowledged no higher power than 
himself in heaven, earth, or hell. The laws of God were 
binding upon everybody but himself. Christ's command to 
'* lay not up for yourselves treasures on earth," was entirely 
disregarded, as may be seen by an inventory of his "treas- 
ures" after death, amounting to nearly seven and a half 
millions of dollars in coin (eighteen millions gold florins), 
and half as much more in gold and silver vessels. The 
depth of his piety may be judged of by the manner in which 
he obtained these "treasures." There does not appear 
to be any regular scale of prices for bishoprics, crowns, 
kingdoms, pardons (for sins against the Pope or church, 
called absolutions)^ but all these were sold with impunity, at 
prices limited only by the wealth of the subjects. 

No wonder Pope John repudiated the poverty of Christ, 
as well as his divinity. To believe in the divinity of Christ 
and follow in his footsteps was the quintessence of heresy, 
for which the fire and faggot of the inquisition was the only 
remedy, and the confiscation of vast estates to the pope's 
treasury the result. Infallible Pope! Supreme Head of the 
Holy Catholic Church ! Successor of St. Peter ! Vicar of 
Christ ! God on Earth ! 



19 



THE HIERARCHY — COUNCIL OF PISA — JOHN WYCLIFFE. 
THE REFORMATION. 

In the eighth decade of the fourteenth century the su- 
preme pontificate was re-establislied at Rome. During 
seventy years, the papal throne had remained at Avignon, 
and on the return of the autocrat of the church to Italy, a 
schism broke out and an effort was made to establish the 
supreme power of the church in the hierarchy instead of the 
pope. The conclave of cardinals at the council of Pisa, 
who had the right to make a pope had the right to depose 
him for cause, and commence the reformation of the church 
at its head. During this century a powerful adversary of 
the whole hierarchical system had appeared in England. 
John Wycliffe, the first apostle of Teutonic Christianity or 
at least the harbinger, sowed seeds of the democracy of 
Christianity which shook the dominion of the hierarchy, and 
led to the emancipation of mankind from sacerdotal and 
from Latin Christianity. We have seen the fruits of this 
seed in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. John Wycliffe 
CQuld tear down the old structure of sacerdotal Christianity, 
better than he could make a new one to take its place. He 
seemed more successful at destruction than reconstruction, 
but perhaps if his life had been prolonged, he would have 
demonstrated to the world that he could not only tear down 
but build up. As it was, lie laid bare the foundation stones 
of Christ and his apostles, for his successors to build upon, 
and in removing the sacerdotal rubbish under which the 
foundation stones of the true gospel structure had been 
buried for more than a decade of centuries, he paved the 
way for the Reformation. 

JOHN HUSS — JEROME OF PRAGUE JOHN XXIII. 

BENEDICT XIII. GREGORY XII. 

In the fifteenth century the autocracy of the papal power 
received a still heavier blow. After the sudden death of 
Wycliffe, by paralysis, his mantle seemed to fall upon John 
Huss and Jerome of Prague, two Bohemian reformers, who 
ignored the infallibility of the pope and the church with 
their blasphemous teachings, and drank in the pure doc- 
trines of Christ and his apostles. Of course this was heresy 



20 

according to the canons of the church, and they were burned 
at the stake, by a decree of the Council of Constance. But 
the preaching of these men and their associates, in the prov- 
idence of God, and in spite of the fire and fagot, had made 
an impression upon Christendom, that the same council was 
constrained to heed in another case of very diflferent char- 
acter. 

Pope John xxiii. had far exceeded all his predecessors 
in corruption and crime. As corrupt as Latin Christianity 
had become, he had gone still deeper into all sorts of vices, 
and while he might not have added to the catalogue of 
crimes of his predecessors, he perpetrated them with even 
more boldness and defiance. The voluptuousness of his 
cardinals and bishops was commensurate with his own, and 
hence his immunity from crime. To condemn him was to 
condemn themselves, and vice versa. The council of Pisa 
which elected John xxiii. to the popedom, deposed two 
other popes to wit, Benedict xiii. and Gregory xii. and 
thus established a dangerous precedent, which the reform 
party in favor of the reformation of the hierarchy made good 
use of. The power of the cardinals not only to make popes 
but unmake them, was no longer successfully contested. 

council of constance pope john xxiii. deposed. 

cardinal's hat. 

At the council of Constance, five years later than that of 
Pisa, which continued three years and a half, the reform 
party had the sagacity to see that one thing only could be 
done at a time, consequently the transfer of the supreme 
power from the pope to the council of the cardinals, with 
the council of Pisa as a precedent, was not impossible. 
The corruption of a long line of popes had made this step of 
paramount importance as a stepping-stone to other reforms 
which would strike at the vitals of the sacerdotal system. 
The damaging charges brought before the council ot Con- 
stance against Pope John xxiii. and supported by un- 
doubted testimony laid the foundation for his deposition 
from the papal throne "He had been guilty from his 
youth, and during his whole life, of the foulest crimes — a 
priest of licentiousness which passes belief, promiscuous con- 
cubinage, incest, the violation of nuns ; of the most atro- 



21 

Clous cruelties, murder, massacre, the most grinding tyran- 
ny, unglutted avarice, unblushing simony." Yet for all 
these crimes the conclave which was composed of twenty- 
three cardinals and thirty delegates from the council, polite- 
ly waited upon this mass of moral putrefaction down the 
steps of the papal throne, to receive a cardinal's hat at the 
hands of his successor whom they were about to appoint. The 
same council condemned to the fire and the fagot John Huss 
and Jerome of Prague for preaching the doctrines, pure and 
simple, of Christ and His apostles, and for exemplifying the 
christian graces in their lives, not stained with crime. The 
reason why Pope John was not condemned to the gallows 
or the stake, was because the conclave and the pope were 
all in the same boat. The crimes of the fifteenth century 
were the graces of the Latin church ; and the christian 
graces of the first century had become crimes in the fifteenth. 

LUTHER AND THE REFORMATION. 

In the sixteenth century when Martin Luther came upon 
the stage of action, he found the great highway to the Ref- 
ormation already graded and the track laid, by John 
Wycklifie, John Huss and others in the fourteenth and fif- 
teenth centuries. The way was thus prepared for him to 
roll on the car of emancipation from sacerdotal religion. 
WycklifFe and Huss attacked the practices^ while Luther first 
attacked the doctrines of Rome, and subsequently her prac- 
tices. He struck the key note of the Reformation when he 
nailed his ninety-five theses to the door of the church at 
Wittenberg. In demolishing the sale of indulgencies he 
struck at the vitals of the papal system without intending it. 
After he had belled the cat, he said " the tune was nearly 
too high for my voice." The theses, like the cry of fire in 
a populous city, aroused all Germany, and in one short 
month was carried across the Alps and rung in the ears of 
the Vatican. Luther was now in a position to defend him- 
self 

At twenty years of age he had dug out of the rubbish of 
the university at Erfurth, an old moth-eaten bible in the 
Latin language, of which he was then master, the first one 
he ever saw in his life. In it was revealed to him the doc- 
trines of Christ and His apostles, which had been concealed 



22 

from the world by the popes and their satellites for a dozen 
centuries. The clear foundation doctrines of the christian 
religion shined from its pages in a striking contrast to Vati- 
canism. Justification by faith, the terms of human salva- 
tion by grace, " repent and believe on the Lord Jesus Christ 
and thou shalt be saved," and other fundamental doctrines 
which cut up popery by the roots, were a perfect surprise to 
him. 

He determined to go down to the foundation of the whole 
system of Christianity, and to this end he learned the He- 
brew and Greek languages that he might get at the true 
meaning of scripture, and make a translation of the Bible 
into the German language. This translation was made in 
due time and sent into the German families ; and as no 
traces of the hierarchical system could be found in it, papacy 
was put upon its own merits. Luther had not yet purposed 
to overthrow the primacy of Rome, and counted it and 
Catholicism on his side in dealing with the mammon wor- 
shippers among the barefaced monks, among whom were 
Tetzel, the great auctioneer for the sale of indulgences, and 
a still more powerful opponent, and former friend, Dr. Eck, 
the sturdy scholastic gladiator. 

The most important step of all — the translation of the 
New Testament into the vulgar tongue — made short work 
with the corrupt practices of the papacy and shook the doc- 
trines of Antichrist from centre to circumference. While 
the civil powers, by authority of the papal, were burning 
the new translation in bonfires, all Germany was ablaze 
with a moral fire which substituted the marriage of the New 
Testament for the celibacy of the priesthood in the canons 
of the church, liberty of cont^cience for monastic vows, the 
Lord's supper for transubstantiation, repentance towards 
God for penance to the priest, salvation by the grace of 
God through faith in Jesus Christ's atonement, for the sale 
of indulgences and salvation by works. 

The superstitions of Rome, and the subtle and pedantic 
systems of the schoolmen, melted away before an honest 
translation of the Bible, like error before truth. Those 
scattered stones which Luther had so laboriously hewn from 
the quarries of Scripture were now combined into the majes- 
tic edifice of Christianity, which neither pope, nor cardinal, 



23 

nor king, nor emperor, nor all the devils in hell could over- 
throw. 

Luther soon found that his contemplated reforms could 
not be, after all, accomplished, until the papal power was 
broken. The christian religion and the hierarchical system 
were antipodes and one or the other must be destroyed. In 
bidding farewell to Rome, he wrote a long letter to Pope 
Leo X. in which he says, " the church of Rome, once the 
foremost in sanctity, is become the most licentious den of 
robbers, the most siiameless of all brothels, the kingdom of 
sin, of death and of hell which Antichrist himself, if he were 
to appear, could not' increase in wickedness. All this is 
clearer than the sun at noonday ; once it was the gate of 
heaven, now it is the mouth of hell." 

In the same letter of divorcement from the church of 
Rome, he quotes from Rev. 22; 11, his authority for the 
step, as follows : " He that is unjust, let him be unjust still ; 
and he which is filthy let him be filthy still." He also tells 
the pope that " to be a christian, is not to be a Roman." 
In examining the original Greek he found that the Latin 
church had committed a fraud by substituting penance for 
repentance the real meaning of the original. The former is 
the main-spring of the man-made papal system, while the 
latter is one of the fundamental doctrines of the God-made 
christian religion. The one is a human expiation to the 
pope, the other a transformation or conversion of the heart 
to God. 

The twenty days disputation at Leipsic between the 
reformers and the Roman hierarchy in 1519, settled the 
question with Luther. It was God's word against human 
traditions. He had unmasked Vaticanism in its corrupt 
practices, in his thesis alluded to, and now he and his 
friends demolish the whole fabric of human traditions 
(which constitute the papal system), with the word of God. 
He calls the pontifical law " the nest of every heresy." 

In 1520 Luther attacked the papal powers as the great 
Antichrist of the Bible, and proceeded to strip the sover- 
eign pontiff Leo x. of his stolen wealth and usurped prerog- 
atives. It did not take the Wittenberg doctor many 
months to learn from the prophecies of Daniel and St. John, 
and from the Epistles of St. Paul, St. Peter and St. Jude, 
that the papacy was and is the Antichrist of the Bible. 



24 

1522, Sep. 21. The New Testament was published in 
German, at Wittenberg, and 3000 copies in two folio vol- 
umes, — a translation from the original by Martin Luther, 
assisted by Melancthon, — were sold at a moderate price. 
Three presses were employed, says Luther, and 10 000 
sheets were printed daily. The fii-st edition was sold, and a 
second edition issued in December. In 1533 there had 
been printed seventeen editions at Wittenberg, thirteen 
at Augsburg, twelve at Basle, one at Erfurth, one at 
Grimma, one at Leipsic, and thirteen at Strasburg. Luther 
began the Old Testament translation in 1522, and issued it 
in parts to satisfy the demand of the people. 

Scripture led man to faith, and faith led him back again 
to Scripture. These two principles combated two funda- 
mental errors. Faith was opposed to the Pelagian tendency 
of Roman Catholicism ; scripture to the theory of tradition 
and the authority of Rome, (see D'Aubigne, p. 357.) 
Henry viii., king of England, denounced the work, and all 
the states devoted to Rome ordered Luther's Bibles to be 
gathered into the hands of the magistrates ready for the 
torch. Amonoj the obedient states were Duke George of 
Saxony who lead satan's forces, Bavaria, Brandenburg and 
Austria. Bonfires were made of these sacred books in 
public places. See page 338, lb. 

The staircase of the Reformation was ascended step by 
step and the errors of Rome were abolished one by one by 
the reformers. 

In the churches in Saxony the reformers rejected the 
abuse and restored the use of the ministry and the sacra- 
ments. In regard to the advances of the Reformation in 
Germany, A. D., 1516 to 1529, D'Aubigne says, page 513; 
"In every place, instead of a hierarchy seeking its righteous- 
ness in the works of man, its glory in external pomp, its 
strength in material power, the church of the apostles reap- 
peared, humble as in primitive times, and like the ancient 
christians, looking for its righteousneSvS, its glory, and its 
power solely in the blood of the Lamb, and in the Word of 
God.'' 

"The jurisprudence of Rome," says D'Aubigne, p. 578, 
"consisted, according to a prophecy uttered against the city 
which IS seated on seven hills, in adorning itself with peails 



25 

that it had stolen, and in becoming drunk with the blood of 
the saints." See Rev., chapters 17 and 18. 

Evangelical Christianity established itself in Germany in 
1530. Legal protestantism was definitely established in 
1555, at the Diet of Augsburg, which was intended by the 
papacy to crush it, the former was that of the Word of 
God and of faith, the latter that of the sword and diplomacy. 
See D'Aubigne, p. 595. 

" All the European states," says D*Aubigne, (page 608) 
that have embraced the reformation have been elevated, 
while those which have combated it have been lowered." 

LOUIS XIV. THE HUGUENOTS — EDICT OF NANTES RE- 
VOKED THE INQUISITION PERSECUTION OF PROTES- 
TANTS BIBLES BURNED CRUELTIES PRACTICED 

ESTATES CONFISCATED. 

During the last half of the seventeenth century the autoc- 
racy of the papal power was more fully developed in cath- 
olic France under the reign of Louis xiv. by the wholesale 
massacre and exile of the Huguenots. The enraged hierar- 
chy had witnessed the decline of their power, both temporal 
and spiritual in England, Ireland, Scotland, Germany, Swit- 
zerland, Netherlands, &c., &c., and something must be done 
to exterminate heresy or all was lost. It was every where 
patent that the losses of popery were the gains of protestant- 
ism. It was also evident to all the world that the union of 
the temporal and spiritual powers in one supreme head, 
had repeatedly proved a failure, that the inquisition with all 
the fiendish tortures the Jesuits could invent was making 
protestants quite as fast as it destroyed them, and that 
neither policy had as yet proved a remedy for heresy. — 
Therefore another grand effort must be made to revive the 
drooping spirits of the papacy and fill up the churches. For 
this bloody work Louis xiv. was the right man in the right 
place. The tolerating edict of Henry iv. (edict of Nantes) 
was revoked, for which Louis was applauded by all the 
fiends in human shape. Te Deums were sung at Rome in 
thanksgiving by Pope Innocent xi. 

If there were no jubilees in hades it was because the 
morals of its inhabitants were purer than the papal church 
of Europe. For sixty years after the revocation of the edict 



26 

of Nantes, France was said to be "a perpetual St. Barthol- 
omew." The property of the 1,800,000 Froti^staLut families 
was confiscated and made free plunder for the lascivious 
soldiery and scarcely less corrupt priesthood. " More than 
one million Frenchmen either left the kingdom or were 
killed, imprisoned, or sent to the galleys in their efforts to 
escape. In Lauguedoc alone, '' besides those who succeeded 
in making their escape, the province lost not fewer than one 
hundred thousand persons by premature death, the sword, 
strangulation and the wheel." After thirty years of robbery, 
murder and carnage the pious " Louis xiv. proclaimed that 
there were no Protestants whatever in France, that Protest- 
antism had been entirely suppressed." It had indeed been 
suppressed by law, but many fled to the deserts and hid 
away "in caves, valleys, moors, woods, old quarries and 
hollow beds of river," so that, one hundred years later than 
the revocation, when Louis xvi. granted them an edict of, 
tolerance, there were "two millions useful citizens" in 
France. 

But why should the Huguenots flee to their hiding places 
after the revocation ? The proclamations, laws and edicts 
of Louis XIV. will answer that question. During the perse- 
cutions before the revocation, many families who had estates 
sold them for the most they could get and left the country 
with the proceeds. This was a rich harvest for speculators, 
as they could buy the estate of a heretic at their own price. 

But after the revocation, heretics had no rights that 
papists were bound to respect. The edict of revocation 
proclaimed that "every Huguenot subject must be of the 
king's religion." To worship ^'publicly after their own 
religious forms, the penalty was death," to worship " in their 
own homes privately^'' the penalty was " the galley for life." 
They were forbidden under heavy penalties to even look 
out of their own windows, while a catholic procession was 
passing, bearing the corpus domini, but must hang out a 
flag. It was five hundred livres fine to neglect to send a 
child to be baptized and brought up in the Roman catholic 
faith. The boys were educated in the Jesuit schools and 
the girls in the nunneries. Their parents were obliged to 
pay the bills while their funds lasted, and after they were 
sufficiently fleeced their children were turned over to the 



1 



27 

general hospitals where no ray of protestant light could 
reach them. Every child of five years old was forcibly 
taken possession of by the catholic authorities and removed 
from its protestant parents, the result of which was often 
death to one or both. Every protestant temple in France 
was legal plunder, and the pastors had fifteen days to leave 
the country, or be sent to the galleys if found preaching 
Christ and Him crucified in that time, but if found after the 
fifteen days lingering in France, his portion was death. 
Protestant marriages were illegal and their children bas- 
tards. Doctors of both sexes were forbidden to practice; 
apothecaries were suppressed, schools were abolished, groce- 
ries closed, all offices were denied them, and they were not 
even allowed to work on the public roads. Bibles, testa- 
ments and all other religious protestant books were collected 
and publicly burned in every town In Metz the bonfire 
lasted a whole day. The collections deposited with the 
catholic clergy furni>hed the fuel. 

Protestant housekeepers were liable to be sent to the 
galleys for life for hiring a protestant servant, even a "new 
convert." All these and every other insult and degradation 
that could be fished up from the bottomless pit were perpe- 
trated upon these poor Huguenots, who refused *' to be of 
the king's religion." Bribery was another means used to 
convert the higher classes. Pastors were offered higher 
salaries, and judges were offered as high as six thousand 
livres as a pension. Every pastor taken at the meetings of 
the peasantry was hung, and a reward of five thousand five 
hundred livres was offered for every pastor who should be 
taken at a meeting, and the penalty of death was awarded 
to those who should attend any of them. The cruelties 
practiced under these laws and edicts upon an unoffending 
and religious people are almost incredible. The recital of 
their details can be endured only by persons of the strongest 
nerves and will therefore be omitted. 

Catholic France of the seventeenth century is the legiti- 
mate offspring of the Roman catholic church. The perse- 
cutions of protestant christians were the natural fruits of her 
teaching. All up through the middle ages her conversions 
were by might and power not "by my spirit saith the 
Lord." The medieval church, under the long line of profli- 



28 

gate popes was made up of the most unsanctified wretches 
the world ever produced. God took good care to put into 
it salt enough to start the reformation, from her own ranks, 
and also to raise up the men to conserve and propagate true 
piety. 

Let us not be deceived in the character of the institution 
we are to deal with. We shall soon see that the question 
which more than any other seems to claim the attention of 
the old world, is one of supremacy between the civil and 
ecclesiastical powers, the temporal and the spiritual, the 
state and the papal church. In some localities it assumes 
the ecclesiastical form and becomes a contest between papists 
and protestants. In either form it is not a new question. 
For nearly fifteen centuries the papal power has striven for 
the mastery over both church and state, and for five centu- 
ries it has claimed in fallibility. It has stolen the livery of 
heaven as its banner, and folded it under its autocratic robes 
as soon as its temporal power in any country was secured. 

In this republic the sacerdotal robes of the papacy are 
worn in their most fascinating, submissive and obedient 
forms, and while it is quietly acquiring its civil supremacy 
all will be lovely ; but turn the scale and put the civil power 
into its hands, and its autocrasy and despotism will soon be 
developed, as it always has been in other countries, as 
attested by history. God forbid that the iron rod of papacy 
should ever be extended over this country. " Eternal vigi- 
lance is the price of liberty." 

The papacy also claims an unbroken succession from 
Christ and his apostles, and it audaciously claims the pre- 
rogatives of both Christ and Caesar, by virtue of which it 
acquired the divine right to .rule the world, civil and 
ecclesiastical. The pope's will is absolute over the bishops, 
the bishops over the priests, and the priests over the people. 
Add to this the temporal power and all the elements of an 
autocrat and despot center in the pope. His word excathedra 
is law from which there is no appeal, and whether fallible or 
infallible, it is the same for all practical purposes. 

The papal church claims credit for preserving the scrip- 
tures through the medieval ages. It has a better claim to 
the infamy of destroying them, as we have already seen. 
God saved His bible from the devouring element, but no 



29 

thanks to the papacy, as an organized power. God took 
care to raise up individuals who would hide away their 
bibles at the risk of losing their heads. Portions of the 
scriptures and some important links of history were exhumed 
from the ruins of old monasteries, and dug out of the rub- 
bish of centuries, but they were the hidden treasures that 
escaped the argus eyes of the Vatican, and an obedient 
priesthood. 

In like manner the papal church claims the credit of 
bringing the world from a state of barbarism to civilization, 
from paganism to Christianity. But cui bono. It only 
transfered the worst 'features of both to its own organiza- 
tion, intensifying their modes of torture many fold for its 
own advancement. At the gladiatorial combats when hated 
christians were thrown into the arena of the coliseum to be 
torn in pieces and devoured by wild beasts for the amuse- 
ment of the people, the process was merciful when compared 
with the later contrivances of the hierarchy to dispose of 
and exterminate heretics, by the thumb-screw, the wheel, 
and other modes of slower torture used by the inquisition, 
too bad to mention here. Nor is it possible for the papal 
church to hide its true character under its sacerdotal robes 
of hypocrisy in this country. Our free schools, free press, 
free pulpits, with the liberty of speech, will unmask the 
great hypocrite and show her naked deformity as it has 
existed for centuries in the old world. 

That the papal church is an old institution, and that it 
has had popes for many centuries may be all true, but that 
its popes are infallible, or that they form a true and un- 
broken line of succession from the apostles, or that they 
represent the true church of Christ and His apostles in any 
sense is not true, but emphatically denied by history. 

The church of Christ is one of morale while that of Rome 
is one of physical force, constituting a political organization 
of the worst type, as demonstrated the world over. But its 
political character will be discussed more fully in the third 
and fourth chapters of this pamphlet. 



30 
CHAPTER 11. 

VATICANISM IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 

Let US now turn to the history of our own times, and see 
whether the papal system as now practised with all the 
" modification " and '* softening down " claimed for it, is an 
element in harmony with the civil powers of either Europe 
or America, the old world or the new. 

1. Germany. In the lower house of the Prussian diet 
on the 16th of March, 1875, Prince Bismarck, in a speech 
on the new ecclesiastical bill, said, "the maxim that more 
obedience was due to God than to man, certainly did not 
mean that more obedience was due to the pope, misguided by 
Jesuits, than to the king." Subsequently the bill was passed, 
and some of its provisions were reported in the papers as 
follows : 

" The contributions from the public treasury, for the sup- 
port of the bishops, priests and institutions of the Roman 
catholic church, will be suspended until they submit to the 
laws of this state, until which the state will not compel the 
payment of dues to the bishops and clergy as heretofore." 
If the pope revokes the written pledges of his bishops and 
priests to obey the laws of the state, the same laws provide 
a severe penalty. Whether the other members of the con- 
federacy follow Prussia's lead remains to be seen. Endow- 
ment is to be the reward of obedience. Bismarck's* purpose 
is to desti'oy the pope's secular power in Germany, not to 
break up the ecclesiastical power of the German hierarchy. 
"In the upper house of the Prussian diet, on the 14th of 
April, the bill withdrawing the state grants from Roman 
catholic clergymen was under debate. Prince Bismarck made 
a speech in which he declared that since the Vatican council, 
catholic bishops were merely the pope's prefects. He said 
that he was not an enemy to the catholic church. He 
warred only against papacy which had adopted the princi- 
ple of extermination of heretics and which was in enmity 
with the gospel as well as with the Prussian state." 

After informing the world that " the supreme cathedra 
of truth by divine dispensation was placed in Italy," the 
pope pathetically acknowledges that he is powerless. He 



31 

bemoans his lost power, confirms his bishops in Germany 
in their " apostolic authority " and gives the fullest praise 
before the catholic world to the said bishops for their firm 
opposition to the civil power. 

2. England. In England the contest is waxing warm 
between the civil and papal powers, and an efiort is made 
by archbishop (now cardinal) Manning, and a score of 
others to batter the edge of Mr. Gladstone's late pamphlet, 
in which he shows the world that civil obedience is incom- 
patible with the demands of the Vatican. No one denies that 
the Romanists may render tacit obedience to the civil power, 
when not in conflict with papal decrees. But all the world 
knows that when the occupant of St. Peter's chair com- 
mands one thing and the civil power the opposite, the pope 
must be obeyed by all papists, and not the civil powers. 
For more than a dozen centuries the head of the papal 
church has claimed the prerogative of vetoing the acts of all 
civil powers. Says Mr. Gladstone, " the papal church is 
in direct feud with the larger part of Christendom to-day. 
In addition to those countries already named we may add 
from the list, Portugal, Spain, Switzerland, Austria, Russia, 
Brazil, and most of South America." 

Mr. Gladstone charges " Vaticanism with the intention of 
restoring the temporal sovereignty by foreign arms," and 
not a papal writer from cardinal Manning down, has yet 
denied it, but many glory in it. The revival of the ridicu- 
lous claifh of "infallibility" within the last half decade, to 
Bay nothing of the ludicrous doctrine of the " Immaculate 
conception," is another loose spoke in the Vatican wheel, but 
the rubber tire of the last allocution of the tottering occu- 
pant of St. Peter's chair, is inadequate to tighten the wheel. 
Contrasted with some of his predecessors such as Boniface 
III. in the seventh century. Innocent in. of the thirteenth, 
Boniface viii. of the fourteenth, and John xxiii. of the 
fifteenth, to say nothing of many others, the present pope is 
a saint. The loss of his temporal power in some countries, 
and its only partial retention in others, together with his 
decaying health have somewhat toned down his last allocu- 
tion, in which mandatory decrees give place to humiliating 
confessions of weakness. This may be pardoned in a super- 
annuated old man, but his successor may be a very different 
sort of a man to deal with. 



32 

The animus of the hierarchy has been substantially the 
same for fitteen hundred years. The next pope may be a 
very good man or a very bad one, and it behooves the 
United States to prepare for the worst. The society of 
Jesuits has been, for many years sending its members to 
this country, until they are as thick as blackberrit s. The 
members of this society are ineligible to the office of bishop, 
cardinal or pope, but they are the most obsequious devotees 
of the Vatican, the best material for inquisitions, and the 
most dangerous element of all the priesthood in the civil 
powers of the world, because better educated. They call 
themselves the society of Jesus, but the society of Judas 
Iscariot would be more appropriate, . All newspaper read- 
ers know that the protestant governments of Europe have 
for years past been trying to rid themselves of tliis mortal 
foe of civil liberty, as for example ttie Prussian diet, already 
alluded to, a year or two since banished the whole crowd 
from its territory and gave six months for compliance. 
The bishops protested in the interest of the Jesuits, and the 
pope applauded them for their opposition to the heretical 
government. 

3. Italy. We cheerfully admit that there are many 
worthy members of the papal church in this country, but 
they are ignorant of the historical facts we are now consid- 
ering, while others who are better posted, do not believe 
the histories by their own authors, when quoted h^ protest- 
ants. For the special benefit of that class of persons, we 
will call their attention to priest-ridden Italy of the nine- 
teenth century. Within the last decade she has become an 
independent state. During sixteen hundred years the has 
groped in the midnight of priestly superstition. The papal 
church has there had a fair opportunity to give the world a 
specimen of what she could do for it. She has grasped the 
wealth of the nation and deposited it in the closets of her 
hundred cathedrals, for the princely support of her army of 
priests, while one-half the people know not to-day where 
they are to get bread for to-morrow. Says a late traveller, 
"There are thousands of churches in Italy, each with 
untold millions of treasures stored away in its closets, and 
each with its battalion of priests to be supported. And 
then there are the estates of the church, league on league of 



33 

the richest lands and the noblest forests in all Italy, all 
yielding immense revenues to the church, and none paying 
a cent in taxes to the state. In some districts the church 
owns a// the property, lands, warehouses, woods, mills and 
factories. They buy, they sell, they manufacture, and since 
th(»y pay no taxes, who can hope to compete with them ? " 

4. France. A few years since the Romish priests 
made an effort to procure an act of the general assembly of 
France restoring to the clergy the entire instruction and 
control of the national schools as had been the case before 
the time of Napoleon Bonaparte. In these schools as noth- 
ing was taught except 'the creed and the elements of the 
papal faith, the emperor changed the system entirely and 
removed the priests from the schools, whom the Bourbons 
subsequently restored. The last revolution, however, re- 
lieved the schools from^ papal rule, and the effort of the 
priests as above stated brought out the following speech in 
the general assembly, from the gifted and eloquent Victor 
Hugo, the foremost intellect of France. 

" Ah, we know you ! We know the clerical party. It is 
an old party. This it is, which has found for the truth 
those two marvellous supporters, ignorance and error ! This 
it is, which forbids to science and genius the going beyond 
the Missal, and which wishes to cloister thought in dogmas. 
Every step which the intelligence of Europe has taken, has 
been in spite of it. Its history is written in the history of 
human progress, but it is written on the back of the leaf. 
It is opposed to it all. This it is, which caused Prinelli to 
be scourged for having said that the stars would not fall. 
This it is, which put Camanella. seven times to the torture, 
for having affirmed that the number of worlds was infinite, 
and for having caught a glimpse at the secret of creation. 
This it is, which persecuted Harvey for having proved the 
circulation of the blood. In the name of Jesus, it shut up 
Galileo. In the name of St. Paul, it imprisoned Christo- 
pher Columbus. To discover a law of the heavens was an 
impiety. To find a world was a herCvSy. This it is which 
anathematized Pascal m the name of religion, Montaigne in 
the name of morality, Moliere in the name of both morality 
and religion. . . . For a long time already the human 
conscience has revolted against you, and now demands of 
3 



84 

you, ' "What is it that yon wish of me ? ' For a long time 
already you have tried to put a gag upon the human intel- 
lect. You wish to be the masters of education. And there 
is not a poet, not an author, not a philosopher, not a thinker 
that you accept. All that has been written, found, dreamed, 
deduced, inspired, imagined, invented by genius, the treas- 
ure of civilization, the venerable inheritance of generations, 
the common patrimony of knowledge, you reject. 

" There is a book — a book which is, from one end to the 
other, an emanation from above — a book which is for the 
whole world what the Koran is for Islamism, what the 
Vedas are for India — a book which contains all human 
wisdom, illuminated by all Divine wisdom — a book which 
the veneration of the people call The Book — the Bible ! 
Well, your censure has reached even that. Unheard-of 
thing ! Popes have proscribed the Bible I How astonishing 
to wise spirits, how overpowering to simple hearts, to see 
the finger of Rome placed upon the book of God ? 

"And you claim the liberty of teaching. Stx)p ; be 
sincere ; let us understand the liberty which you claim. It 
is the liberty of not teaching. You wish us to give you the 
people to instruct. Very well. Let us see your pupils ! 
Let us see those you have produced. What have you done 
for Italy? What have you done for Spain? For centuries 
you have kept in your hands, at your discretion, at your 
school, these two great nations, illustrious among the illus- 
trious. What have you done for them ? I am going to tell 
you. Thanks to you, Italy, whose name no man, who 
thinks, can any longer pronounce without an inexpressible 
filial emotion; Italy, mother of genius and of nations, which 
has spread over the universe all the most brilliant marvels 
of poetry and the arts; Italy, which has taught mankind to 
read, now knows not how to read I Yes, Italy is, of all the 
states of Europe, that where the smallest number of natives 
know how to read. 

" Spain, magnificently endowed ; Spain, which received 
from the Romans her first civilization, from the Arabs her 
second civilization, from Providence, and in spite of you, a 
world, America ; Spain, thanks to you, to your yoke of stu- 
por, which is a yoke of deofradation and decay, Spain has 
lost this secret power, which it had from the Romans ; this 



35 

genius of art, which it had from the Arabs; this world, 
which it had from God ; and in exchange lor all that you 
have made it lose, it has received from you — the Inquisi- 
tion. 

" The Inquisition, which certain men of the party try to- 
day to re-establish, which has burned on the funeral pile 
millions of men ; the Inquisition, which disinterred the dead 
to burn them as heretics ; which declared the children of 
heretics, even to the second generation, infamous and inca- 
pable of any public honors, excepting only those who shall 
have denounced their fathers ; the Inquisition, which, while 
I speak, still holds in the papal library the manuscripts of 
Galileo, sealed under the papal signet ! These are your 
masterpieces. This fire, which we call Italy, you have 
extinguished. This colossus, that we call Spain, you have 
undermined. The one in ashes^ the other in ruins. This 
is what you have done for two great nations. What do you 
wish to do for France ? 

" Stop; you have just come from Rome! I congratulate 
you. You have had fine success there. You come from 
gagging the Roman people ; now you wish to gag the 
French people, I understand. This attempt is still more 
fine ; but take care ; it is dangerous. France is a lion, and 
is alive ! " 

The above is taken from "The question of the hour,'' by 
Rev. Rufus W. Clark, who says : — Shall a Frenchman 
thus speak in France, and we be silent? Shall one, brought 
up amid papal influences, see so clearly the withering power 
of Romish education, and any person in this land of gospel 
hght be blind to it ? 

Let us now leave Europe and cross the Atlantic ocean for 
North America, and learn the programme of the Vatican for 
this country. 

5. Mexico. During the war of the slaveholders' rebel- 
lion in the United States, Napoleon iii.. Emperor of France, 
took it into his head that his opportunity had come to estab- 
lish a government in Mexico after his own heart, without 
the risk of interference from the United States. Maximilian 
was v«aid to be the right man in the right place. The prob 
abih'ty was so strong that he would be the future emperor 
of Mexico^ that Pope Piua ix. addressed the prince a letter. 



36 

which was published in Appleton's Annual Cyclopedia, 
1865, p. 749, in which he says, 

" Your majesty is well aware that, in order effectually to 
repair the evils occasioned by the revolution, and to bring 
back as soon as possible happy days for the church, the 
catholic religion must, above all things, continue to be the 
glory and the main stay of the Mexican nation, to the exclu- 
sion of every other dissenting worship ; that the bishops must 
be perfectly free in the exercise of their pastoral ministry ; 
that the religious orders should be reestablished, or reor- 
ganized, conformably with the instructions and the powers 
which we have given; that the patrimony of the church, 
and the rights which attach to it, may be maintained and 
protected ; that no person may obtain the faculty of teaching 
and publishing false and subversive tenets ; that instruction, 
whether public or private^ should be directed and watched 
over by the ecclesiastical authority ; and that, in short, the 
chains may be broken which, up to the present time, have 
held down the church in a state of dependence, and subject 
to the arbitrary rule of the civil government." 

If this nice little scheme had succeeded the way would 
have been paved for the acknowledgement of the independ- 
ence of the Southern Confederacy, and the pope would have 
got more credit for infallibility in leading off in that meas- 
ure. Moreover with Maximilian to rule Mexico, by the 
grace of Napoleon iii., and the pope to rule both, with the 
independence of the Southern Confederacy acknowledged, 
including slavery as its chief corner stone, how long think 
ye the American government would have withstood that 
storm of despotism ? 

But diplomacy having failed in Mexico, the ecclesiastical 
mill was set in motion by the blood-thirsty representatives 
of the papal power, to grind up protestant missionaries for 
their blood, as farmers grind apples for their cider. We will 
give one or two specimens of this operation. The Rev. J. 
L. Stephens, a missionary of the American Board, at Ahua- 
lulco, Mexico, was murdered on Sunday, March 1, 1874. 
The telegram from the city of Mexico to the daily papers 
reads thus: 

" In the morning a priest delivered an incendiary sermon, 
in the course of which he advocated the extermination of 



37 

the protestants. This so excited his liearers that in the 
evening an armed mob of two hundred persons broke into 
the house of Mr. Stephens, and with cries " Long live the 
priest," smashed his head to jelly and chopped his body into 
pieces. They afterward sacked the house and carried off 
everything of value. 

After much delay, the riot was suppressed by the local 
authorities. The Government has sent a detachment of 
troops to the place. A rigid investigation has been set on 
foot, and orders issued for the arrest of all priests in 
Ahualulco and the neighboring town of Teshitan." 

Strange as it may seem the severest rebuke of this 
unprovoked and atrocious murder, we have seen, comes 
from the Boston Pilot, the Roman catholic organ for New 
England. The Pilot says, " should it turn out to be true, 
the crime of all the mob should be intensified on his head 
by a terrible punishment. The wretches who could kill a 
man with a religious cry on their lips, are the greatest 
wretches in the world." This is a perfect God-send to the 
timid protestant press, for they can copy Mr. Patrick 
Donahue's rebuke as an item of news, and a salvo to their 
own consciences for not doing their duty. The same papers 
inform us that " Rev. Antonio Corral was stoned and his 
chapel sacked in the city of Puebla, Mexico, on the 7th of 
March, by Roman cathohcs." 

6. THE UNITED STATES, 

THE PAPAL CHURCH AND THE FREEDMEN. 

The efforts that have been made since the close of the 
war of the rebellion, to convert the freedmen, not to Christ, 
but to the papal church, stands in striking contrast to the 
efforts of that church, both before and during the war, to 
keep them in bondage. As slaves they were not wanted in 
the papal church, but as voters it is suddenly discovered 
that that is the very place for them. The motive for this 
movement on the part of the church, will appear, as we 
proceed, so perfectly transparent, that any mind of ordinary 
capacity will easily see and comprehend it. Having devoted 
the best twenty years of our own life and many thousand 
dollars to the anti-slavery cause, we cannot quietly stand by 



38 

and witness this glaring hypocrisy without a note of warn- 
ing. Having fitted for college under a Roman catholic 
priest, and been offered a collegiate course on condition of 
entering the priesthood, (which we declined,) and having 
been educated in the laws, tenets, canons and dogmas of the 
papal church we know wherof we affirm. 

In the previous chapter we have deduced from the most 
authentic histories of nearly fourteen centuries the civil and 
ecclesiastical character of the institution under considera- 
tion, for the special benefit of the protestant church many of 
whose members have not access to that kind of literature, 
and cannot well spare the time to read it if they had. 

The colored people having been so recently emancipated 
from the American slaveholding oligarchy, it would be a 
great calamity to allow themselves to be transferred to the 
Roman hierarchy. As in the former there were some kind 
masters, so in the latter there have been some kind popes. 
But in both cases they are the exceptions not the rule. The 
despotism lies in the system each represents. As the oligar-' 
chy requires the most despotic measures to keep its subjects 
in subjection, so the hierarchy requires the most despotic 
popes to rule the church of Rome. The present encumbent 
of St. Peter's chair is a superannuated old man, on the verge 
of the grave, who has beheld with tears, the temporal power 
of the old world sliding from under him, without the power 
to arrest the progress of the nineteenth century. In the 
slaveholders' rebellion the Vatican was the only power on 
earth that acknowledged the independence of the Southern 
states, but as that was an ignominious failure, they are now 
endeavoring to utilize a combination of political and eccle- 
siastical elements which has been in progress for a long 
time, by transplanting to the new world a despotism of the 
old. The political elements are divided into two parties 
numerically, nearly equal, the ecclesiastical into two 
churches, protestant and papal. The protestant church is 
composed of individuals, each with a conscience under God, 
but amenable to no power on earth. He can read his bible 
and think for himself. His religion allows him liberty of 
conscience. Each individual is his own conscience-keeper, 
and must answer as an individual to God for his own sins, 
and no man or body of men can answer for him. As an 
organization it is strictly religious. 



39 



THE CHARACTER OF THE PAPAL SYSTEM UNCHANGED. 

For tlie benefit of whom it may concern, we shall now 
show that the character of the papal system has never 
changed for the better in any essential particular, and that 
its modification in this republic is only temporary, and a 
necessary step to gain control of the civil power, as an 
engine of force with which to suppress protestantism. 

1. Its AFFILIATION WITH THE PrO-SlAVERY PaRTY 
BEFORE THE WAR. ItS REWARDS AFTER. 

The slaveholders of the south were the natural allies of 
the democratic party, and constituted its head, while its tail 
was in the north. The Roman catholic church was the 
natural ally of that party, and the price of its co-operation 
was the offices the party had in its power to bestow. If the 
Roman catholic voters should be eliminated from the demo- 
cratic party, the skeleton of the party only would remain, a 
powerless wreck. During the dozen years of our sojourn 
in New York, previous to 1872, the following facts were 
published in the newspapers of that city, from time to time 
showing the proportion of city offices held by Roman catholics 
in the democratic party, to wit, sheriff, register, comptroller, 
city chambei lain, corporation counsel, police commissioner, 
president of the Croton board, acting mayor, president of 
the board of councilmen, clerk of the common council, clerk 
of supervisors, five justices of the court of record, all tiie 
civil justices, all the police justices but> two, all the police 
court clerks, three out of four coroners, fourteen-nineteenths 
of the common council, and eight-tenths of the supervisors. 

In the vears 1869, 1870 and 1871, out of the monies 
raised by tax on the property of New York city, the records 
show that SI, 396,389 were paid to Roman catholic institu- 
tions, and only $138,146 to protestant and Hebrew institu- 
tions combined. Thus the papists got over ninety per cent, 
of the appropriations, which is probably about the propor- 
tion of criminals and paupers they throw upon the state in 
return to be taken care of albo by the tax-payers. The 
above figures are merely specimens, of which we could 
make an entire chapter. 



40 



2. Its sympathy with the Rebellion — Resistance 
OF the draft —New York riots. 

That the Roman catholic democrats were responsible for 
the riots which resisted the draft of 1863, in the city of 
New York, no intelligent man acquainted with the facts will 
deQj. The civil power was then and there in the hands of 
the democratic party ; Horatio Seymour, governor. The 
offices as above stated were nearly all held by Roman cath- 
olics, who acknowledge their allegiance to the Vatican at 
Rome higher than any obligation to the civil power of this 
country. The state militia stationed in the city were in full 
sympathy with the municipal government, and part of the 
plan was to clean out the city of all " niggers and abolition- 
ists." The colored people were hunted like wild beasts of 
the desert, and were seen flying for their lives in all direc- 
tions, abolitionists were threatened by their enemies and 
warned by their friends, the Principia association was noti- 
fied to close the doors of its office to save the block from 
conflagration; the publisher of the Principia declined to 
desert his post and was peremptorily informed that his 
house with many others was marked for destruction. In 
passing from his office in Williams street to his house on 
Twentieth street he was shot at by the mob in open day 
but not killed ; in one evening he witnessed from his dwelling 
seven incendiary fires in the vicinity. 

In a private correspondence Secretary Chase was kept 
informed of all these movements He was advised that if 
the President was depending upon the state militia to save 
New York, he was depending upon a broken staff. On the 
receipt of this information the government at Washington 
lost no time in sending thirty thousand troops into New 
York harbor, under a suitable general, who notified the demo- 
cratic ringleaders, whose names he had obtained, that the 
riots must be stopped forthwith or their heads must come 
off. The general knew who he was talking to, and his 
auditors knew who was talking to them. Gov. Seymour 
addressed the rioters from the steps of the City hall as '' my 
friends." Whether the pathetic address of the governor at 
the City hall, or the fire-flashes of the cross eyed general at 
the Fifth avenue hotel, or the thirty thousand troops in the 



41 

harbor argument was the more potent we do not know, but 
one thing we do know, viz., the riots were stopped and the 
draft went on without further interruption. 

3. Acknowledgement op the Independence of the 

Southern Confederacy by the Pope. 

So strong was the feeling at the Vatican in favor of the 
rebeUion, and so intense the desire to see republican liberty 
crushed out and slavery extended over this continent, that 
the "pope," the " holy father," the "infallible head of the 
church," the "vicegerent of God on earth" hastened to 
acknowledge the in3ependence of the Southern Confederacy, 
and set an example to the civil potentates of the world to 
follow. Not a civil ruler on the globe dared follow his 
example, but the democratic party of New York showed its 
gratitude for and its appreciation of such favors in various 
ways, to wit, — 

GRATITUDE OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF NEW YORK 

IN COIN. 

In 1866 the legislature of New York voted for Romish 
institutions $124,000, and only $4,000 to protestants and 
Jews combined. Whenever catholics hold the balance of 
power, protestants have to take the back seats. In the first 
half of 1867, New York city voted Romish institutions 
$120,000, and for two successive years, $30,000 were put 
into the "city levy tax bill," for the Romanists. In addi- 
tion to this they held a lease of land on Fifth avenue valued 
at nearly $2,000,000, for a ground rent of one dollar a year, 
for ninety-nine years ! This is the way the money of prot- 
estants is used to build up and strengthen the Roman 
catholic element in the democratic party; and the Boss 
Tweed crowd, including Samuel J. Tilden were responsible. 

4. The Roman catholic opposition to our common 

SCHOOLS. The suppression of the Bible 
demanded and acceded to in several states. 
Testimony of papal priests. 

The only direct issue the papal power has made with any 
part of our republican system, is with the common schools. 
They like the system w^ell enough, but wish to reorganize it 



42 

in the interests of the Roman catholic church. At the late 
" Roman catholic conference," held in St. Louis, Mo., Father 
Butler of Kansas " thought it should not be forgotten that 
the public schools of this country had served as a model for 
catholic parochial schools." But as at present organized 
with the reading of the protestant Bible, they were declared 
to be "a nuisance." Father Phelan of St. Louis, said 
"they would as soon send their children into a pest house as 
let tliem go to the public schools." Mr. Hawley, of Pennsyl- 
vania, said, " the catholics had gained a great victory in 
driving the Bible out of the public schools." As this victory 
has as yet been only partial and not general, the gentleman 
was a little too fast. But the object of driting the protest- 
tant Bible out of the schools is to get the catholic Bible into 
them. The reason is that the all important features of the 
papal system are not to be found in tl^e protestant Bible at 
all, nor in any other except a false translation. At the same 
conference to which we have alluded, Father Graham said 
"the purpose was to put in them the correct version of the 
Bible, and the catholic catechism." They forget that the 
protestants provide for the religious instruction of their own 
children in separate schools, and generously leave the com- 
mon schools free from sectarian instruction, for the special 
benefit of the papists, infidels or any body else who don't 
believe the Bible. There is no objection to the catholics 
having as many parochial schools as they please, but when 
they attempt to convert our common schools into nurseries 
of the Roman catholic church, it is about time for Protest- 
ants to wake up. 

In the eyes of Roman catholics our common schools, 
without the Douay Testament and the Roman catholic cate- 
chism, are the very fountains of corruption. In the confer- 
ence to which we have already alluded, one of the " fathers" 
said, "the public men of America were educated in the 
public schools and were exhibitions of the system, and they 
were the most dishonest and corrupt of any country in the 
world. Men can steal in this country with impunity, pro- 
vided the amount is large enough. That the children of 
the country go heels over head to the devil, must be attrib- 
uted to the education they receive in the public schools, 
which does not fit them for the temptations of the world. 



43 

In the?e schools men of science are honored and eulogized, 
but the name of Jesus Christ is not allowed to be men- 
tioned with reverence. These children turn out to be 
learned horse-thieves, scholastic counterfeiters, and well 
posted in schemes of deviltry." 

That many of our public men are corrupt we sorrowfully 
admit, but that their common school education is the cause 
of their corruption we emphatically deny. If father Phelan*s 
assertions were true, how happens it that three-quarters or 
seven-eighths of all our criminals are graduates from catholic 
institutions ? If ",the name of Jesus Christ is not allowed 
to be mentioned with reverence," whose fault is it.'^ Prot- 
estants who put the Bible into the schools or Roman catholics 
who put it out ? Protestantism which tolerates the reading 
of the Bible in the schools without comment^ or popery which 
assumes Christ's prerogatives and demands the substitution 
of the Roman catholic Bible and catechism, which place an 
infallible pope at the head of the church instead of Christ ? 
Is this audacious claim of his infallible holiness doubted ? 
Read the letter of " Pio " to the " Emperor of Germany.*' 
In this letter we find the following claim among others, 
" Every one who has been baptized belongs to the pope." 
To this, Emperor William replies " our evangelical creed 
does not permit us to accept, in our relations to God, any 
other mediator than our Lord Jesus Christ." 

In this country in the matter of the division of our com- 
mon school funds, the question partakes of both politics and 
religion, for the real question after all, is whether the civil 
power shall open its treasury, as in Germany, and furnish 
the papal church with funds to educate its children in the 
dogmas and doctrines of that church, or whether it shall 
provide for the religious education of its own children, as 
the protestant churches do, to wit, from their own treasuries. 
If the papal church is not satisfied with our common school 
system as it evidently is not, the wide world is open to it to 
go where it can do better. It will never be permitted to 
demoralize our system of education and pervert rtie common 
school fund to educate us in popery, until Americans lose 
their senses. 

The pope claims infallibility, the church of which he is 
the head claims infallibility, both claim supreme power over 



44 

the state. This audacious usurpation has controlled, or 
attempted to control, every government on earth, and the 
infant republic of these United States need not hope to form 
an exception. We have already indicated their plan and 
their policy, showed with what pertinacity they have thus 
far pursued both for many years, and with what success 
their efforts have been crowned. We are not at all sur- 
prised that our religious press, so far as it is controlled by 
ex-ministers, should hesitate to grapple with so formidable 
a foe. For purity of life and honesty of purpose the minis- 
ters who have exchanged the pulpit for the editorial chair 
are not excelled by any class of persons in the community. 
But many lack one element in their character, which is 
indispensable in an ecclesiastical war with the papal power. 
That element is the Martin Luther back-bone. 

So long as satan can keep the protestant press and pulpit 
quiet, just so long will the papal power be able to capture 
one political post after another, until protestantism lays 
powerless at its feet. The pulpit or the press which ignores 
politics as an element in religion, ignores one half the Bible, 
and denies the transforming power of the christian religion. 
By this we do not mean that Christianity should be let down 
to the standard of the brood of political demagogues who 
are now a curse to the country, but that " politics " should 
be purified and raised to the standard of the christian 
religion. It is as much a man's duty to vote in the state as 
it is to pray in the church, and he who makes long prayers 
in the latter on Sunday, and votes for corrupt politicians on 
Monday, is either a dupe or a hypocrite. 

From the foregoing pages it appears that the papal church 
is a politico-religious institution, which assumes to govern 
the world in its dual capacity. The political press of this 
country seems to wait for the protestant pulpits to grapple 
with it, because it is an ecclesiastical organization in their 
line; on the other hand the protestant pulpits with few 
exceptions, seem to turn it over to the tender mercies of the 
political parties, because it is a political institution in their 
line. Thus between the two elements of politics and 
religion, the great Antichrist is comparatively safe from 
attack let her do what she will. The cunning and intriguing 
hierarchy takes note of the situation and governs herself 



45 

accordingly. She sees through her political glasses that she 
has already the balance of power between the two great 
political parties, and she has poUtical wisdom enough to 
form an alhance with the minority party, first because it is 
a minority party, and second because their political instincts 
are in harmony with each other. This will be found dem- 
onstrated in the two following chapters, which, by request 
were published and pretty extensively circulated in separate 
tracts as campaign documents, in the Presidential campaign 
of 1876. 

In addition to the question of our common schools, which 
are marked for capture or destruction, rule or ruin, by the 
papal power, comes the question of our penal institutions, 
where the attempt is being made to substitute canon law for 
our own statute laws, the practices of monarchal govern- 
ments for republican. The Rev. Joseph Cook, in his 
seventy-first lecture in Boston, March 26th, said that "the 
demand is secretly made, and in a letter lately published by 
a representative Romanist, (Daily Advertiser, March 22, 
1877,) it is publicly made in Boston, as it often has been in 
New York and Cincinnati, that in each penal institution 
there should be two chaplains, after the manner of Austria 
or France; and, of course, the implication is that in Amer- 
ica, as in Europe, both should be paid by the State. Yield 
to that demand, and you will have a division of your pubhc 
criminal fund. What will come after that? It means a 
demand for the division of your school fund. It means a 
demand for the division of your church fund. It means a 
demand for the division of your eleemosynary fund. You 
will have to face all these questions that have given so 
much trouble in those countries where there are State 

churches Romish ecclesiastics want their chaplains 

paid by the state. They must learn that they are not in 
Austria, France, Prussia or England. America means that 
all religious sects^ Romanists included, shall pay their own 
hills. To demand that a sectarian chaplain or schoolmaster 
he paid hy the StatQ is to act against the whole spirit of 
American lawj* 



tts-^ 



THE 



Political Trinity of Despotism. 



A CHAPTER FROM 



VATICANISM UNMASKED; 



OR, 



ROMANISM IN THE UNITED STATES. 



BY 

A PUEITAN OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 



^J.^M^^ '-^ . 






CAMBRIDGE, MASS.: 
PUBLISHED BY THE PRINCIPIA CLUB. 

1876. 



INTRODUCTION. 



The following is taken from a manuscript not yet pub- 
lished, entitled ^^Vaticanism Unmasked ; or Romanism 
IN THE United States, by a Puritan of the Nineteenth 
Century." In harmony with its title, the pamphlet is de- 
signed to disrobe the papal church of its ecclesiastical 
covering, and show to the world its political character as 
the essence of despotism. This is delineated from the most 
authentic histories of the last fifteen centuries, and shows 
the despotic and corrupt character of the institution we are 
tolerating and nursiifg in the bosom of this republic. In 
view of the efforts being made to capture the votes of the 
Freedmen, by first alluring them into the papal fold, the 
author has kindly consented that this chapter, particularly 
addressed to that class of voters, may be published separately 
and distributed among them, in the states more especially 
where they are in the majority or hold the balance of 
political power. The other chapters, addressed to protestant 
sects, will be published in due time. 

After the colored voters are fully informed of the con- 
spiracy to destroy the republican party and with it their 
liberties, if they choose to put their feet in that trap they 
can do so. But if their liberties are dearer to them than a 
few cents per capita, of which they have been robbed by a 
half dozen genteel scoundrels in Washington who ruined 
tlie Freedmeu's Saving Bank, (which the government ought 
to restore) then -let them hold on to their old friends and 
trust them to do justice iu time to come as in time past. 

The writer makes no apology for lifting the clerical robes 
and revealing the naked deformity of the papal church as a 
political organization, for the information of four or five 
millions of emancipated people. It cannot be expected that 
the latter can begin with their a, b, c's, and learn the history 
of the former in as many years as it took centuries to make 
a character for that church. The Free'draen have once 
graduated in the patriarchal institution and have been loosed 
from the grasp of the slave power, God forbid that they 
should be transferred to the more despotic embrace of the 
papal power. 



TO THE FREEDMEN OF AMERICA, 



The political trinity of despotism. — The slave- 
OCRACY. — The papacy. — The parental preroga- 
tive. — The public schools. — Untaxed church 
property. — The auricular confessional. — The 
legitimate fruits of the combination. — The 
division of the spoils. — The freedmen's savings 
BANK. — The South the weakest point of prot- 
estantism. 

In 1872 when our mutual friend the late Hon. Charles 
Sumner went into the Greely movement, the writer decHned 
to follow, and pointed out to him and his colored wards, in 
an open letter to each, the political elements that would 
eventually combine to overthrow the republican party, and 
also enumerated some of the things that would legitimately 
follow. These elements are natural allies, to wit : the 
democracy^ slaveocracyj and the papacy^ and when united 
constitute 

THE POLITICAL TKIKITY OF DESPOTISM. 

We now beg the Freedmen to note that this combination 
is practically consummated for the presidential campaign of 
1876. Let us examine each of these forces separately and 
learn if we can what claims, if any, either of them has to 
the votes and political support of the Freedmen of this 
republic. 

1. The Democracy. — The democratic party as now 
organized, judging by its own acts, is just about as much 
entitled to its assumed name as satan is to that of saint. 
Ignoring the significancy of its name, it has opposed the 
anti-slavery movement from the beginning, and after the 
republican party had, under God, abolished slavery, it 
opposed all the reconstruction measures adapted to benefit 
the Freedmen, and make our republic a democracy, and not 
an aristocracy of slaveholders as before. For a long series 
of years when the democratic party was in power, its un- 
blushing and boldly asserted fundamental principle was, "to 
the victors belong the spoils." In other words, give us the 



key to the money-chest of the nation and we will run the 
machine for our own and your benefit. 

2. The Slaveocracy. — We use this term for con- 
venience. We mean to include in it the old sJave oligarchy, 
which ruled Congress, and through it the country, up to the 
rebellion, and which represented all the slaveholders of the 
country. In the anti-slavery battle it was called the slave 
power. This was the power that wielded twenty-five votes 
in Congress on account of their slave property. These 
twenty-five votes decided every question of slavery against 
liberty, until the republican party, by the Proclamation of 
Emancipation by President Lincoln and the Amendments of 
the Constitution, wrenched them from the masters and put 
them into the hands of the Freedmen to whom they right- 
fully belong. 

Now will the Freedmen turn their backs upon their true 
and tried friends, and help into power their life long enemies? 
Is that the way to show their gratitude to their deliverers ? 
God forbid. Nor can we yet believe that they will surren- 
der themselves to the papal power, where disobedience to 
the Vatican is a crime with a death penalty. 

3. The Papacy. — The Eoman catholic church, which 
is really the frame-work of the democratic party has been a 
despotism for fifteen hundred years. It is an apostacy from 
the true church of Jesus Christ and His apostles. "It stole 
the livery of heaven to serve the devil in." ' Its character 
has never changed for the better, but it has grown worse 
and worse. Macauley calls her "superb and voluptuous — 
the sorceress of the golden cup and of the scarlet robe — 
the beast — the Antichrist — the man of sin — the mystical 
Jezebel — the mystical Babylon." It has opposed the anti- 
slavery movement as earnestly as did the democratic party, 
and if it could have had its own way every Freedman to-day 
would have been in chains, and slavery would l^ve been 
extended over every foot of soil in these United States now 
dedicated to freedom. This was the meaning of the Pope's 
acknowledgement of the independence of the southern con- 
federacy, or it had no meaning at all. 



The Parental Prerogative. — Since writing the foregoing, 
chapters materials liave accumulated which seem to require 
some attention. We have already intimated that the 
Bible question in our common schools is only a stepping 
stone to more audacious claims by the papacy, but we were 
mistaken in supposing that they would wait until they had 
put the Bible entirely out of the schools before taking the 
next step in their programme. The reason of their haste 
is obvious enough. The "parental prerogative" as they term 
it, includes not only the Bible question in the common schools 
but also the school system itself, and consequently there is no 
need of haggling longer on the smaller question, if they can 
fasten the grapphng irons of the Vatican upon the school 
system. This th'ey can do by establishing the "parental 
prerogative" doctrine as understood in the Roman church. 
There is but one party, according to this doctrine, that has 
any rights and that party is the supreme Pontiff. The 
parent for whom supreme authority over the child is claimed 
without exception, is the cat's-paw in the hands of the Pope 
to pull the chestnuts out of the fire. Both the parent and 
child belong to the Pope. The child has no rights, the 
state has no right to interfere, not even to protect the child, 
and the parent has the privilege to obey and lead his child 
into the papal fold where he can be taught the religion of 
Antichrist, but not the teachings of our common schools. 

The civil power of this country is not yet under the 
authority of Rome, and consequently the common school 
system must be eliminated from it, that Rome may not be 
troubled with a power it cannot control as yet. The 
Syllabus Errorum promulgated by Pope Pius IX. in 1864 
expressly condemns all secular education "which is separated 
from the catholic faith and from the power of the church." 

President Grant was wise in calling the attention of the 
present Congress to the subject of eancation. Whether he 
had the said syllabus in his mind or not, it will do no harm 
to remind the American people that their liberties are in 
danger. The Roman hierarchs are raising a great howl 
over the American system of education, and claim that their 
poor people are taxed for the education of the rich pro- 
testants' children. But who pays the taxes from which 
State aid is derived ? Not the poor people who have nothing 



n 



to levy taxes upon. If parents were taxed for their children 
instead of their property, the case might be different. But 
as it is, the boot is on the other leg. The *'rich" pay for 
the education of the poor. The poor man with half a dozen 
or a dozen children pays a poll-tax of two dollars per annum. 
For this trivial sum, which he gets for a half a day or day's 
work, the State on its part gives him a ballot equal in 
political influence to the millionaire, and agrees to protect 
him in " the enjoyment of life, liberty and the pursuit of 
happiness." In this the State gets the worst end of the 
bargain. Nor is this all. The State gets abominably 
cheated, because it has to pay the bills for pauperism and 
crime, five-sixths of which is furnished by these same poor 
people, who are graduated from Roman catholic institu- 
tions. And after all this the Roman hierarchy are not satis- 
fied. How much money do these poor people pay for 
educating the rich? Their surplus earnings go to their 
priests, but not a dollar to educate the children of wealthy 
protestants. 

But there is another matter in this connection, alluded 
to in the President's last annual message, to wit: the 
"untaxed church property." If this is an evil to be 
remedied by constitutional amendments in the nineteenth 
century, what may it not become in the twentieth ? Let us 
look into history and see what it has done for the old world, 
and we can better judge what it will do for the new. 

The accumulation of vast amounts of untaxed church 
property in the old world was begun in the fourth century, 
under the reign of Constantino the Great, who united 
church and state under one supreme head. The power to 
hold real estate was secured to the church in its own right; 
after which the accumulations went on increasing for centu- 
ries, until that institution became the great savings-bank 
of the then civilized %orld, with more than half the wealth 
of Europe under its control. Once there, it was under the 
directorship of the Vatican. This vast money-power could 
make war or peace at pleasure, — withhold or dispense 
crowns, — put kings and emperors under tribute, — consti- 
tute them fiefs of the papal crown, — divorce queens, — 
pardon sins, and assume God's earthly prerogatives. 



The war between England and France, in the thirteenth 
century, lagged in consequence of the depleted exchequer 
of both Edward and Philip, caused by the flow of so large 
a portion of money into the treasury of the Church, instead 
of that of the State ; and when these kings proposed that 
the Church should pay its fair proportion of war expenses 
for its own protection, Boniface VIII. interposed his 
bull from the Vatican. [See more particular account in 
chapter I.] 

Under the impetus of this money power the papal beast 
waxed fat and kicked. As an organization the Church had 
become a political machine of the most corrupt type. Its 
religion had become materialized, until it was all Pope and 
no Christ. Hence it was the work of the Eeformation of 
the sixteenth century to revive and reproduce the primitive 
Christianity of ih^Jirst, A century later it was transplanted 
to this continent, where it erected its majestic edifice upon 
the foundation stones so laboriously hewn from the quarries 
of scripture by the reformers, and where it has ,stood the 
test of time for two hundred and fifty years. 

Under a republican form of government the nation has 
become one of immense wealth, too rich to escape the 
avarice of the papal power, and the great problem now is 
how to capture and hide it under the sacerdotal rubbish of 
the papal system. 

The question then comes home to the heart and hearth- 
stone of every protestant in these United States : shall the 
country to which protestantism fled from the persecutions 
of Antichrist in the old world be given up without a 
struggle ? Our forefathers came here to rid themselves of 
ecclesiastical despotism, and shall their sons ignore the 
foundations of civil liberty, and receive to their embrace 
the world-renowned enemy of both civil and religious 
liberty ? We have done this already too long for our 
safety. Our hospitality has been extended to the papal 
church and abused by the man of sin until forbearance is 
no longer a virtue. Self-preservation is next in order. The 
audacious claim that the Pope of Rome is the rightful 
sovereign of all the kingdoms of the earth, virtute clavorum 
— by virtue of the^keys — and, consequently, an oath of 
allegiance to any protestant government is null and void^ 



8 

and better broken than kept, should be repudiated by every 
American citizen. Let every papist be made to understand 
that the very condition of his civil rights and privileges 
is obedience to our government — that no pope, potentate, 
or king has a right here on any other condition. Our 
government made a fatal mistake in framing a special oath 
for conquered rebels. It is committing political suicide in 
appointing officers of the army and navy, and filling other 
offices of trust and power in the nation with papists who 
owe allegiance to a foreign power. Let as strong an oath 
of allegiance to this government as can be framed from the 
English language be required, instead of back-door and 
mental-reservation oaths, and then let those who refuse take 
the back seats forthwith. If this is not done, our liberties 
are a myth, and only await a union of these natural allies, 
under the name of the democratic party, to bury republic- 
anism beyond the possibility of resurrection. 

Before closing this chapter, we will introduce a witness 
who is a convert from the papal priesthood to Christianity. 
This witness, for many years a priest in Europe, and sub- 
sequently in this country, during the first half of this 
century, is supposed to know what he testifies to, and to 
give us the true character of the papal church in its " mod- 
ified form," as is claimed by its friends in this country. We 
cannot accuse him of using the English language to cover 
up and conceal crime, as is too much the fashion with the 
pulpit and the press of the present age. To debauchees 
and libertines he attaches the titles they have earned for 
themselves, though clothed in clerical robes — and to pros- 
titutes and adulteresses he gives the names they have volun- 
tarily assumed, whether under a white or black veil. 

The eonfessional is so important an element in the papal 
system, that we •cannot complete our task of unmasking 
that system without an inside view of it. Every protestant 
voter in this republic should understand the true character 
of this institution we are tolerating and even nursing among 
us. Every protestant parent should be thoroughly posted 
in the morals of most of the teachers in the convent schools, 
which constitute the connecting link between popery and 
protestantism. Every daughter should be taught the nature 
and allurements of each successive step before she takes it. 



9 

During school everything is lovely and of the most 
fascinating kind for every pupil. So, also, when they enter 
the novitiate course everything is niade as agreeable as 
possible during their probation. But if a young lady takes 
the next step, to wit: the white veil, she takes a step towards 
her own destruction ; and if she advances still another de- 
gree and takes the black veil, she seals her own doom, and 
gives herself body and soul into the keeping of her confes- 
sor. She is obliged to go into the confessional when required, 
and be locked up with him alone until she yields to his 
desires. The lying-in-hospital and the private burying- 
ground will tell the story of their illicit intercourse. 

Let us not be misunderstood. We do not mean to say 
that all parties become criminals inside the confessional. 
There may be, and probably there are, honorable exceptions, 
but the exceptions do not destroy the rule nor alter the 
the law of the infallible church. 

" Romanism as it was and as it is," a book written by 
William Hogan, Esq. some two or three decades since, turns 
inside out the "auricular confessional." Having been a 
catholic priest himself, before his conversion to Christianity, 
his testimony is of the most positive and well-informed kind. 
He quotes from the rules of the papal church, which are 
obligatory on every priest, but which the outside world 
know nothing about. From that code of laws he gives us 
the questions intended to be used in the confessional, and 
which the priest uses with hi^ female penitents only. As the 
Douay testament was a translation to exactly fit the hie- 
rarclial system and ^nce versa, we have the key to the whole 
system. Mr. Hogan gives us a full description of the con- 
fessional and its workings, the substance of which we give 
in our own language, retaining the vigor but toning down 
the expression. 

The confessional is a small ante-room in the rear of, or 
contiguous to, the altar. In it, the wafers, which are made 
of flour and water, are kept, and the confessor keeps the 
key. These wafers are turned into the " real body of 
Christ," which is called " transubstantiation." Into this 
room, or " box," as Mr. Hogan terms it, only one penitent 
is ever permitted to enter at a time, when the confessor 
locks the door and puts the key in his pocket. Every one 



10 

who goes to confession is obliged to answer all questions put 
to him or her, or be eternally damned. If the penitent is 
a female, the questions appropriate to her sex are put to 
her by the confessor, not as man, but as God. Entering 
the confessional as God he can commit no sin himself, and, 
moreover, can absolve his victim from her sin. The ques- 
tions are too infamous and licentious to be recorded here, 
and will therefore be omitted. They are a disgrace to any 
place but a house of prostitution, and are calculated to 
debauch the mind of any one who believes in the infallibility 
of the church or its priesthood. 

Mr. Hogan further informs us that, as adjuncts to these 
dens of iniquity, there is usually attached a "lying-in hospi- 
tal, and a burying ground," consecrated of course after the 
most approved pattern of the infallihle church. When a 
nun becomes a mother, the little innocent bastard is privately 
baptized and strangled, its body buried out of sight, and its 
soul sent straight up to heaven. The seduced mother is 
often poisoned to death and laid by the side of her murdered 
child, and the debauchee confessor is ready for another 
victim. When adultery is committed with a married woman 
whose husband is living, the offspring is permitted to live, 
and as the confessor and the mother are both sworn to 
secrecy, the husband becomes the legal guardian of the 
child that his adulterous wife has forced upon him for 
support ! 

Of course this is all right, as God in the confessional has 
pardoned the adultery of the wife. Mr. Hogan cites cases 
in proof of all his statements of which he himself was not an 
eye witness. This mainspring of the papal system is a sort 
of compromise between the Pope and the Devil. The laws 
of celibacy issued from the Vatican were satisfactory to the 
priesthood, inasmuch as they abrogated the law of God as 
recorded in I. Tim. 3:2; "A bishop must be blameless, the 
HUSBAND OF ONE WIFE," &c., but wcre not satisfactory, in- 
asmuch as they deprived pope, cardinal, bishop and priest of 
a wife, with nothing for a substitute. Under these circum- 
stances the devil invented an improved edition of the "auric- 
ular confessional" as an amendment to the celibacy laws, 
which was accepted by the whole priesthood as entirely 
satisfactory, inasmuch as it abrogated another law of God, 



11 

to "wit : the seventh commandment, delivered to Moses by 
God himself on Mount Sinai and has" never since been 
repealed, except in the infallible papal church. 



THE LEGITIMATE FRUITS OF THE C0MBINATI0:N'. 

Having dissected "the political trinity of despotism " and 
examined each separately, let us consider the legitimate fruits 
of the combination of these elements, in this American 
Republic. It does not require the spirit of prophecy to 
affirm that the horse will neigh, or that the lion will roar, 
-or that the bull will bellow. It is the nature of these beasts 
to do so, and putting all into one fold will only develop their 
natures, not destroy them. So with the elements of despot- 
ism we find in our republic. Should we put the adminis- 
trative powers of the government into their hands for the 
next four or more years, some things will be as sure to 
follow as effect is to follow cause. Every tree will bear 
fruit of its kind. 

1. The late slave masters would claim pay for all the 
slaves emancipated by the late war. Not to pay their slaves 
for their lives of unrequited toil, for not one dime would 
they get, but to pay the master for their wicked investments 
in the bodies and souls of men. Of course the Freedmen 
would be taxed their share to pay this little bill ! Look at 
it ! ye voters. You have paid your masters for their in- 
vestments many times over in hard work, and your wives 
by their increase. But they are not satisfied until they get 
it again in hard cash from the United States treasury, of 
which you are among the proprietors. 

2. The second item for which this combination would be 
likely to clamor, is the issuing of United States bonds in 
exchange for Confederate bonds, and placing them both on 
the same level. This would be the same thing, in a round- 
about way, as paying the rebejt war debt, or promising to 
pay it, without the slightest intention of ever redeeming the 
promise. 

3. The losses and destruction of property during the 
war, other than slave property, including Sherman's march 
to the sea. The claims for losses are already shadowed 



12 

forth in the democratic House of Representatives as an 
entering wedge to the whole. 

4. The fourth thing to be met, in case these powers 
combine and succeed, is the pensioning the rebel soldiers and 
placing them in the same category with our Union soldiers. 

The above four propositions, you will observe, are all in 
the interest of the first two elements of this political trinity. 
The last one, to wit : the papacy, must be provided for or the 
conspiracy fails ; for be it remembered that the j^r5^ thing to 
be done by the combination is to get full possession of the 
government, and the second is to divide the spoils so as to 
satisfy the three factors. 

5. The fifth thing to be done then is to give the papal 
church the share of 'the spoils belonging to it. This is the 
lion's share, as the democracy will find out, after it is too 
late. The Vatican makes moderate demands at first, but 
the time will soon come when it will tolerate no partners in 
power. Its demands are always in proportion to the power 
at command to enforce them. The Bible out of our com- 
mon schools — the school system itself under the control of 
papists — a liberal supply of public funds to papal institu- 
tions — untaxed church property — the police forces of all 
our largest cities under the control of the Roman priests — 
a large majority of the officers of the army and navy 
acknowledging supreme allegiance to a foreign potentate — 
the priests forming and driUing military companies in the 
papal churches — the building of the most expensive churches 
and cathedrals in our land, and especialjy at the South for 
colored voters and their families — these and other thinojs are 
already in progress and only await a change of administra- 
tion to be consummated. 

But the papal church will not wait the slow process of 
political action. It has already a commission on its way to 
Europe to employ papal teachers to come over to this 
country and reap the fields already white for the harvest. 
We have, moreover, seen that the Pope expressly condemns 
all secular education " which is separated from the Catholic 
faith and from the power of the church." Their chil- 
dren must be trained to know nothing but the CHURCH. 

Let us now for a moment glance at the situation. These 
paragons of despotism tried the sword and failed. Instead 



13 

of capturing the government, they lost slavery. Now they 
are trying another plan, and they are far advan'ced in its 
execution. Our mistaken politicians have relieved most of 
the ex-rebels of their political disabilities, and, as a reward, 
the latter are sent to Congress to make laws for the nation ! 
They have a majority already in the popular branch, and 
the Union soldiers have had to give place to ex-rebels, who 
have been conquered but not subdued. This is only a straw 
which shows the way of the wind, but the political tornado 
which is to sweep over the country under democratic rule, 
for which they are now intriguing, will sweep every repub- 
lican out of office, every colored American into slavery, and 
saddle a national debt upon posterity which will foot up 
nearer ten thousand millions than hvo. If any man, colored 
or white, contemplates voting a democratic ticket next Fall, 
let him consider seriously the responsibility he incurs by 
depositing his sovereignty in the hands of such a combina- 
tion for the next four years. 

The things in embryo we have enumerated may not be 
demanded in the same order we have recorded them. 
Probably they will not. The smaller ones which require 
congressional action will be brought forward to pave the 
way for the larger. Indeed, some of them are already 
before Congress, and a strong lobby pressure is brought to 
bear upon the ex-rebel members. The fact that the repub- 
licans have yet a majority in the Senate may save the 
country at least $100,000,000 this session. The majority 
of the democratic House clamor for a reduction of expenses 
of some $40,000,000 — but put in Southern claims of five 
times that amount. 

But there is another thing of which we may be sure. If 
this corrupt combination should succeed in controlHng the 
money chest of the nation for the next four years, and if 
they succeed in paying off the claims we have enumerated 
above, by which our national debt would be quadrupled at 
least, if not quintupled, then that would be the point of 
repudiation. It would be the acme of the democratic 
edifice, "to the victors belong the spoils," and the national 
debt might follow the "niggers" and the constitution to the 
devil. It would not matter a picayune who occupied the 
presidential chair. The party would rule him if he were 
the angel Gabriel, and the pope would rule the party. 



14 

Let us not forget that the papal church of America is the 
ground work of the democratic party, and that its head is 
in Rome. Eliminate from that party the papal element, 
and the remainder would not constitute a political factor 
worth mentioning. 

Let us not forget in the second place, that said church is 
pushing for political power in this country, and has cun- 
ningly allied itself with this party in which are concentrated 
all the elements most hostile to our liberties. The banns 
were duly solemnized at the national democratic convention, 
recently held at St. Louis, where a representative of the 
Vatican' officiated as chaplain. 

Let us not forget in the last place that our greatest point 
of danger is in the- Southern States, once the seat of the 
slave 'power ^ but now the objective point of the 'papal 'power ^ 
for tho destruction of the republic and the substitution of a 
papal despotism. Beware of this political trinity of des- 
potism, and send all corrupt politicians, of whichever party, 
to the rear. Nor should we ignore the fact that the repub- 
lican party is honeycombed with military men demoralized 
by the very war that emancipated the slave. But let it 
reform and live, or cling to the ring rascals and die. 

Judo^ins: from its doino^s at the late Cincinnati convention 
... 

it is on the straight road to reformation. Unlike the demo- 
cratic party, it has, in the past, paid some attention to its 
professions, and we have a right to expect, nay, demand 
fidelity to republican liberty, from the fact that it is chiefly 
made up of protestants. And this brings us to the great 
question, what are protestaut republicans doing to meet the 
encroachments of papal despotism? The papal forces are 
concentrating their power on our weakest point, which we 
have already said is the South, where the danger lies. 

The protestant forces, with the exception of a half manned 
and half endowed missionary society or two, "are busy here 
and there," suffering the chief point of attack to be exposed. 
New England is well provided with schools, colleges, and 
churches, the great West is partially so, but the South is to- 
day suffering criminal neglect. If the general of an army 
should thus conduct a campaign he would be immediately 
cashiered and sent to the rear. We would ask with all 
deference to the faithfulness of these struggling societies, 



15 

what headway can they be expected to make against the 
combined forces of the sham-democracy, the old slave 
oligarchy, and the corrupt papacy, all sandwiched with 
intemperance, licentiousness, profanity, murder, disloyalty, 
ignorance, infidelity, lawlessness, and the like. The Freed- 
men can do much towards maintaining their liberties, by 
voting for the republican party, but the churches can do 
more by infusing into it those stern old puritan principles 
which harmonized voting and praying, principles which 
never would admit a christian citizen to pray for good rulers 
and vote for bad ones. 

Let us now review the whole question, and see what is to 
be done. The papal church, as an organization, is a unit 
which embraces both continents. Where a great battle is to 
be fought it has the wisdom to mass its forces at the weakest 
point of its antagonist, and use such political instruments as 
it can command. In this country the weakest point is the 
late slave states, and its political machine, the democratic 
party. Despotism is cunning enough to nominate its figure- 
heads, with which to catch votes, from the ranks of its 
adversaries, and cry reform ! reform ! before election, which 
means nothing of the kind after the close of the polls. 

On the other hand, protestantism and republicanism are 
twin cherries of the same stock. Their principles are in 
harmony, but their forces are scattered. Protestants are 
divided into sects, but unlike the divisions of an army, they 
have no head. Each division fights on its own hook, with- 
out concert of action, and when attacked by a well-organized 
enemy, its defeat is all but certain. 

Look at our weakest point, in the South. Protestantism 
bas^ a few missionary societies, half endowed, half manned, 
half supported — struggling for very life, while its political 
ally is busy here and there with railroad schemes, Freed- 
men's National Banks, and such like financial swindles. 
Now let the national government deal justly with the 
depositors in the late Freedmen's Bank, and pay them back 
their money, with interest, whether they can recover it from 
the thieves that stole it or not. Let the republican party 
pledge itself to this measure and send its corrupt politicians 
to the rear. Then it may save the Freedmen's votes, but 
not till then. Let protestantism back the party, and the 
work is done. 



16 

One word more in regard to the Freedmen's Savings 
Bank and we are done. While it was located in New 
York under its original charter, with a Board of Directors 
of honest men, its business appears to have been conducted 
strictly in accordance with mercantile honor. But after its 
removal to Washington, it was manipulated by a ring of 
rascals, its charter amended by Congress, to suit the ring, 
which amendments opened the doors to corruption and made 
easy the stealing of its funds. Some fifty odd millions of 
their deposits have been paid back to the depositors, but 
when the ring at Washington had brought the institution to 
bankruptcy, about three millions of the money of the Freed- 
men still remained on deposit. Now then we say it is the 
plain duty of the 'United States government to see every 
dollar of this money paid to the depositors with interest, no 
matter how much or how little it can get out of the assets of 
the bank or the rascals. By amending the charter as it did. 
Congress made the government morally, if not legally re- 
sponsible to the depositors. 

Since the above was written a new development of papal 
despotism has appeared in St. Mary's Church, Cambridge- 
port, Mass. The autocrat of that pulpit issued an edict 
that no fans should be brought into the church, and placed 
a guard at the door to enforce it. One pew-holder, more 
jealous of his rights than the rest, refused obedience, took 
his seat as usual, ladies, fans and all ; and refusing a second 
time to deliver up the obnoxious article, was seized by the 
pious fraud, who descended from the pulpit for the purpose. 
The pew being more than a match for the pulpit in a hand 
to hand fight, the latter called for assistance, which was 
rendered, and the offender, after a hard struggle, was f ut 
out of the church. In this melee the priest of course did 
not act in the official capacity of spiritual advisor, after he 
came down from the pulpit, but as captain of the military 
company he had organized ; although in his haste he forgot 
to put off his clerical robes and put on his military costume. 



Orders for tliis tract should be addressed to the "Prin- 
ciPiA Club, box 104, Cambridge, Mass." Price, $5,00 per 
hundred, or $30,00 per thousand. 



Tract IsTo. 3. — 16 Phages, 



Despotism vs. Republicanism. 



FOURTH CHAPTEK FKOM 



VATICANISM UNMASKED; 



OK, 



ROMANISM IN THE UNITED STATES. 



BY 



A PURITAN OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 



CAMBRIDGE, MASS.: 
PUBLISHED BY THE PRINCIPIA CLUB. 

1876. 



DESPOTISM VS. REPUBLICANISM 



God's plan for opening the eyes of tlie American people 
to the real danger to their liberties, has by the logic of 
events and the overruling of second causes, so rapidly devel- 
oped into history since the publication of the first edition of 
" The Political Trinity of Despotism," that the Principia 
Club finds it necessary to issue another number of their 
tracts, embracing some further progress of 

THE GKEAT BATTLE BETWEEN DESPOTISM AND 
KErUBLICANISM. 

Two and a half centuries ago Republicanism set up in 
business for herself on this continent. Politically speaking 
the first element of despotism she encountered was the slave 
power in the democratic party which was not conquered 
until the seventh decade of the present century. The party 
itself first fell by the ballot — the slave power afterwards by 
the bullet and bayonet. These successive defeats alarmed 
the papal power — the most powerful element of tlie three — 
which immediately came to the rescue of her defeated allies. 
As at present reorganized the democratic party is making 
the most desperate efforts to put republicanism on the defen- 
sive ; and by fraud and violence take possession of the gov- 
ernmental machinery and divide the spoils. In this tragic 
scene the papacy will play an active part — some times in 
her sacerdotal robes and at other times in military or politi- 
cal costume as circumstances may require. The truth of 
these propositions will appear in the following pages. 

" The Hamburg Massacre in South Carolina," is familiar 
to all newspaper readers and we need not, in this place, go 
into the particulars. 'The " Regulators " whose special 
mission appears to be to " keep the negroes in their place," 
murdered in cold blood without the least provocation nearly 
a half score of negroes. This brought out the following 
from their survivors in Charleston, S. C. The address, 
after narrating the events of the massacre, says : 

" We protest against these men, and their aiders and 
abettors, and, in the name of the majesty of law and order, 
we demand that Governor Chamberlain shall at once invoke 



all the powers of this state to bring M. C. Butler and his 
clan to justice, and that no naeaus or treasure be spared to 
punish these criminals. And we invoke the consideration 
of this whole nation, and the powers of the Federal Gov- 
ernment, to see to it that the great principles of equal jus- 
tice before the law, and equal protection under this Govern- 
ment, be maintained throughout this nation, so that safety 
to life and property, and the ri^ht to vote as conscience 
shall dictate to every citizen, shall be forever secured to all 
throughout this broad land." 

Failing to procure such protection as is needed, the ad- 
dress proceeds to say what they will do, as follows: 

" We tell you that it will not do to go too far in this 
thinor — remember that there are 80,000 black men in this 
state that can bear Winchester rifles, and know how to use 
them, and that there are 200,000 women, who can light a 
torch and use the knife, and that there are 100,000 boys 
and girls who have not known the lash of a white master, 
who have tasted freedom once and forever, and that there is 
a deep determination never, so help their God, to submit to 
be shot by lawless regulators for no crimes committed 
against society and law." 

The wonderful grace and patience which has thus far 
restrained the Freedmen from usino^ their " AVinchester 
rifles " under such unheard of provocation, is a marvel in 
human society. If M. C. Butler, the bellwether murderer, 
and his crew are not brought to justice by the state author- 
ities, they ought to be taken in hand by the strong arm of 
the nation. It is high time the American citizen should be 
protected in his rights to ^' life, liberty and the pursuit of 
happiness." Our colored citizens used their rifles effectively 
to save the life of the nation, and if the nation can not or 
will not protect their lives, they had better use the rifles 
again to protect themselves. Who can say nay ? 

Since the Hamburg massacre the South Carolina regula- 
tors have adopted a somewhat modified policy by taking 
possession of republican meetings and running the machine 
in the interest of spurious democracy, in the name of free 
discussion, equal rights (all on one side of course,) &c., &c. 
How long are the majority to wait, in order to find out 
whether they are to be protected by law from a lawless 



banditti? Let the trio of despotism try it* on in Massachu- 
setts and see how they come out. 

The late democratic triumph in Alabama is another spec- 
imen of democratic rule. At a democratic ratification 
meeting in Mobile, the chairman of the *' Democratic State 
Committee," said that '* the election was peaceable and 
quiet, not a disturbance of any magnitude marred our day of 
triumph." But the speaker omitted to tell his hearers why 
it was so " peaceable and quiet." Probably they knew, but 
for the benefit of those who may not know, we will supply 
the omission. In all the Southern States where the negro 
voters are in a majority, one plan is, to surround the ballot 
box with a circle of " Regulators " ten or twelve deep, 
armed with pistols and bowie knives, with a passage-way of 
ingress and egress of sufficient width for one man only to 
pass at a time. This passage-way is strictly guarded and no 
"nigger" is allowed to enter it on his way to the ballot-box 
with a republican ticket. Some are induced by threats and 
intimidations to take a democratic ticket and put it into the 
ballot-box to the infinite delight of the candidates for hades. 
We have this key to the democratic victories in the South 
from undoubted authority and from witnesses who cannot 
be impeached. 

We have still another specimen of the programme of the 
democratic regulators, which may pass more current in 
some localities. The Hayneville, Alabama Examiner, has 
the»kindness to inform us of another way to get rid of re- 
publican majorities, which ought to be at once patented, for 
it enabled the democratic party to roll up 40,000 majority 
in that State at the last election, with peace and quietness, 
without shootino^ a negro. 

"The true and good men of Collerine, not wishing to be 
servants of the radical party by sitting down all day, just to 
receive the votes 300 or 400 negroes were anxious to cast 
against the peace and welfare of the State, wisely concluded 
last Monday that if the radical negroes wanted to have an 
election they might hold it themselves; and if they didn't 
have sense enough to hold it they didn't have sense enough 
to vote at all, and therefore the county would be all the 
better for it. This was a just and sensible conclusion, for 
nothing can be more foolish and ridiculous than for men to 



aid this villaiious party to carry out its schemes of plunder 
by acting as their ageuts to gather in the votes of a blinded 
and prejudiced people. And no man who has carefully 
thought over the matter would be guilty of such a crime 
against God and his family if he could help himself. There- 
fore, the patriots of Collerine are hereby thanked for the 
splendid manner in which they struck at carpet-bagger and 
negro rule in this State." 

From another source we advance still further into " the 
true inwardness of the Alabama election." The Cincinnati 
Commercial has a letter from H. V. Redfield, in which we 
find the following utterances of the democratic press of that 
state. 

" I spoke of the large democratic gains through *' mild in- 
timidation," meaning an intimidation of less degree than 
shot-gun arguments. I have the Tuscaloosa (Ala.) Times 
of last Wednesday. In a previous issue the editor stated 
that two colored men — giving their names — had voted for 
the democrats. Here is the handsome manner in which he 
" takes it back : " 

" We Take it Back. — We stated in our last issue, upon 
what we regarded as reliable authority, that Jeff Wilson and 
Israel Carson both voted the democratic ticket at the recent 
election. We have since heard that neither of them did 
anything of the sort. Jeff is said to be one of the most im- 
pertinent negroes in town, and Israel is just fool enough to 
be manipulated by 'Squire Stone and other similar lying 
and thieving negro scoundrels." 

No doubt if Jeff had voted the democratic ticket he 
would not have been classed as " one of the most imperti- 
nent negroes in town." And " 'Squire Stone" might escape 
being called a lying and thieving scoundrel if he would only 
vote the democratic ticket. 

This sort of thing, with which the country press of Ala. 
bama is unfortunately filled, is what I call *' mild intimida- 
tion," though the reader may not consider it so very mild, 
after all. 

The Tuscaloosa colored drayman gets this simple notice, 
but it has a world of meaning. 

" Alec, the drayman, did not vote at the recent election." 

And a colored man who gets his living by painting gets 
this notice, pregnant with meaning : 



" Bill Buck is^an excellent painter, — he voted the demo- 
cratic ticket." 

Had he voted with the republicans he would no doubt be 
referred to as a Iving and thieving scoundrel, whose paint- 
ing wasn't worth a cent. 

It seems there are two *' chicken peddlers " in Tuscaloosa, 
one white and the other black, and they get this local notice: 

" Redd, the white chicken peddler, voted the democratic 
ticket. Daniel, the black peddler, was a radical ringleader 
on election day." 

A delicate insinuation, indeed, as the best man of whom 
to buy chickens. 

When Texas was clamoring for admission, as a slave 
state, to the union, she was denominated the " valley of ras- 
cals." Since her admission into the family of states she is 
supposed to have reformed, but it now appears that her 
'' reform " is of the democratic pattern. The Boston Daily 
Advertiser of Aug. 21, has the following item: 

" Professor James Gilliard, colored, a graduate of Oberlin 
University and late of this city, was murdered recently in 
Texas, his offence being that his horse interfered with a 
game of base ball by stopping the ball. He was shot." 

If a tvhite man's horse had stopped the ball of black men, 
the latter would have been shot for the indignity to a white 
man's horse, in rolling their ball against his hoof! This 
addition to the crimes punishable with death, may be new 
to some people. But black republicans are of no account 
in the valley of rascals, for they can't be trusted to vote the 
democratic ticket and therefore must be shot at sight. 

Another way of getting rid of black republican votes is 
the starving out plan. In Barnwell, S. C, according to the 
Charleston Journal of Commerce, the farmers are forming 
clubs that ''will no longer give aid of any kind to such as 
vote the radical ticket." If the negroes had a Moses to lead 
them out of Egypt, the poor white trash would have to hoe 
their own corn and dig their own potatoes or starve. 

In Louisiana another mode of intimidating is resorted to 
to keep the black republicans from the polls. 

Pinchback is speaking in Indiana for the republicans. In 
a recent interview he stated that the white-liners are making 
active and determined efforts to carry every southern state 



at the ensuing elections. He said that they had planned 
out a complete system of intimidation, going so far as to 
organize riHe companies in every parish. This line of action 
was very general, especially in Louisiana. It was his opin- 
ion that it was not intended to bring these companies into 
action, yet their existence was regarded by the blacks as a 
formidable menace to them to stay away from the polls, 
or, if present, to vote the democratic ticket. It was his 
deliberate opinion that if permitted to express their free 
judgment and inclination ninety-nine out of every hundred 
blacks wili vote for Hayes and Wheeler, and at least four 
states would cast their electoral votes for the republican 
candidates. 

The poor, ignorant "white trash" of the South have 
neither brains nor intelligence to discover that the colored 
people have some rights the white man is bound to respect. 
Indeed the " white liners" who claim to occupy a higher 
plane of intelligence than the blacks, have yet to learn that 
the shot-gun argument is a game that two can play at, and 
so sure as they continue it, until the blacks meet them on 
their own chosen ground with their own chosen weapons, 
they will get more than they bargained for. 

But the democratic party has another baby in its cradle 
more troublesome than the " rag-baby " which was so easily 
rocked to sleep at Saratoga — and more turbulent and man- 
datory than the negroes, to wit, the third factor in the 
Trinity. 

Senator Thurman is reported to have said a few days ago 
that " The d — d priests have overdone the thing by stickinoj 
their noses into our politics ; and they deserve to be beaten, 
to teach them their place. The Democracy only have 
themselves to blame in submittino; to the demands of the 
priests in the way they did. It was unfortunate, indeed, 
that the Catholic question was lugged into the campaign. 
The Democracy was the only party that ever did any thing 
for the Catholics, and it would seem that the more that is 
done for them the more they will demand. Their arrogance 
is insufferable, and as we shall be defeated anyway, I hope 
it will hereafter teach these meddlesome priests a lesson 
that they will understand — that is, to let politics alone. I, 
for one, don't propose to stand any further nonsense frona 
these fellows." 



8 

If the Cleveland reporter is correct, it is evident that one 
democrat at least sees that his party is fair game for the 
satellites of the Vatican. The warp and most of the woof 
of the democratic party are Roman Catholics, and Senator 
Thurman is correct in saying that " the Democracy was the 
only party that ever did any thing for the Catholics/* It is 
true however, whether he said it or not, and it is also true 
that " the more that is done for them the more they will 
demand," as the party will find out in due time. Congress- 
man Seeley is reported to have said, 

"Two dangers beset us in questions of religion in the 
schools. One is letting it alone and allowing education to 
slip into the hands of the Catholic priesthood. The other is 
taking away the Bible from the schools and making them 
altogether secular. The first means delivering posterity, 
body and soul, into the hands of the Romists ; the second 
means destruction to our system of education." 

In the last Congress it was proposed to amend the Con- 
stitution, concerning religion and the common schools, as 
follows : 

" No state shall make any law respecting an establish- 
ment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, 
and no religious test shall be required as a qualification to 
any ofiice or public trust under any state ; no public prop- 
erty and no public revenue, nor any loan or credit by or 
under authority of the United States or any state, territory, 
district or municipal corporation shall be appropriated to, or 
made or used for, the support of any school, educational, or 
other institution, under control of any religious or anti-relig- 
ious sect, organization or denomination, or wherein the par- 
ticular creed or tenets of any religious or anti-religious sect, 
organization or denomination shall be taught, and no such 
particular creed or tenets shall be read or taught in any 
school or institution supported in whole or part by such 
revenue or loan of credit, and no such appropriation or loan 
of credit shall be made to any religious or anti-religious 
sect, organization, or denomination, to promote its interests 
or tenets. This article shall not be construed to prohibit 
the reading of the Bible in any school or institution, and it 
shall not have effect to impair rights of property already 
vested. Sect. 2. Congress shall have ])ower by appropri- 



ate legislation to provide for the prevention and punish- 
ment of violations of this article." 

While this was pending the Roman Catholic priesthood 
rallied around their democratic allies in Conorress and de- 
manded that the proposed amendment should be snuffed out 
and it was of course done. If this can be done by a major- 
ity of the U. S. House of Representatives, in obedience to 
the demands of the Vatican, what may we not expect if the 
whole political and money power of the nation is put into 
the hands of the corrupt democracy under the iron despot- 
ism of papal Rome. Be it remembered that a majority of 
the last House of Representatives are ex-rebels, who fought 
four years to destroy the republic and substitute a despo- 
tism, and failed — but who were magnanimously forgiven 
and restored to citizenship, which privilege they with their 
constituents and papal allies are now using to capture the 
government by the ballot and the bullet. 

There is another witness we wish to introduce, to wit, the 
Rev. W. C. Van Meter, a missionary in Rome. In present- 
ing his claims as a missionary, to the First Baptist Church 
in Springfield, Mass., in July last, he said " that Roman 
Catholicism is a curse wherever found . . . that this 
republic is under its curse and therefore its priests would 
not allow the bells of its churches to be rung in commemo- 
ration of our National Centennial. But if a second St. Bar- 
tholomew were possible, if an edict silencing every Protes- 
tant pulpit in the land, and disbanding every Sunday School 
were possible, then the cathedral bells would ring right mer- 
rily, and the Pope himself, old infallibility, the old man of 
sin, he who sits in Satan's seat, under a canopy of peacock 
feathers, fit emblem of his mind, would rejoice greatly." 

This is spoken of by some of the democratic papers as '• a 
bitter denunciation of the Roman Catholic Church." Mr. 
Van Meter states a fact that nobody denies, viz., that the 
bells on the Catholic churches were not allowed to be rung 
in commemoration of our National Centennial. He then 
states a case where and when they would be rung right 
merrily, it such a case were possible. Now then who denies 
or doubts that, if the papal power, with the help of their 
allies could and should " silence every Protestant pulpit in 
the land," the bells on the Catholic churches would be made 



10 

to ring their merriest peals, while Te Deums would be sung 
from Rome to the bottomless pit. 

Again, at the National Sunday School convention held at 
Fair Point, N. Y., in July, " Dr. Hatfield spoke of the perils 
of our youth, and his remarks were the feature of the day. 
One of these perils was ignorance, especially the ignorance 
of voters. Another was the growing influence of the church 
of Rome, which was still asserted to be an inveterate and 
consistent enemy of civil and religious liberty. She claimed 
the right to coerce civil powers to obey the dictates of the 
mother church. It was Father Hecker's boast that within 
fifteen years the Catholics would have control of the United 
States government:" 

" Father Hecker," is a little more sanguine in regard to 
the time of gaining possession of the United States govern- 
ment than some of his brother priests. He sets' it at fifteen 
years, while " Father Scully," of St. Mary's Church, Cam- 
bridgeport, Mass., who is drilling a military company for 
future use, magnanimously allows us poor Protestants until 
nineteen hundred to make our peace with the Pope! 

One of the most truthful and comprehensive utterances 
of our public men is contained in a speech of Senator Sher- 
man, which has been printed in capitals in some of our 
daily papers, and is as follows : 

" And now the very men who fought and voted to break 
up this Union, now under the same name and organization, 
still calling itself democratic, appeal to your generosity to 
surrender to them all the great powers of the government, 
they ask to administer its laws, control its revenues, and to 
mould its policy at home and abroad. Both of their candi- 
dates, though living in the North, opposed every measure of 
the war, all the movements to organize the army that beat 
down the rebellion, and all the safeguards adapted to secure 
the results of our victory. The men they would bring into 
the chief places of the government are those who led the 
rebel armies or who frowned and complained in the north. 
The same states that passed and maintained ordinances of 
secession are the main strength of this coalition. — Senator 
Sherman, 

Parson Brownlow wrote to the Tennessee Republican 
Convention : " The American people are not yet ready to 



11 • 

see their National" Government turned over to the tender 
mercies of the Hamburg-Secession-Repudiating-Democracy ; 
but, in November, will hurl this nefarious, God-forsaken, 
hell-deserving old party to that political perdition which it 
richly merits." 

The Mobile Register, the leading democratic paper in the 
state of Alabama, and one of the leading journals in the 
South says " The grave question to be settled is : What is to 
he done with the negro as a voter ? Sooner or later, with 
more or less despatch, he will be disfranchised and thrust 
out of politics. He must go, and there is no profit in stand- 
ing long upon the order of his going. When the reorganized 
democracy of 1876 goes into office each State shall be al- 
lowed to settle this and all other social and domestic issues 
for itself and in its own way." 

This is undoubtedly the universal sentiment of the South- 
ern democratic press. Let us translate it into plain Saxon 
English so that a northerner though a fool need not err 
therein. The "reorganized democracy of 1876," means 
" the political trinity of despotism,'^ which is the title of our 
tract No. 1. It means that or nothing. The party stands 
like a stool on three legs. Knock out either of them and it 
falls. The northern democrats are mere bobs to the south- 
ern kite. The novices of the party like Charles Francis 
Adams, Geo. Ticknor Curtis and others of that stripe will 
have to follow, not lead. The older democrats such as 
Tilden, Hendricks and the like will be used as figure-heads, 
but driven with a curb rein, in the hands of their southern 
allies. " The negro voter." says the Mobile Register," "will 
be disfranchised and thrust out of politics." To " thrust'' 
the negro " out of politics" will only require the southern 
state rights doctrine to be thrust in, so that each state shall 
be allowed to settle THIS and all other social and domestic 
issues for itself and in its own way." This claim the old 
slave power always maintained under a false construction of 
the constitution. That is to say. They construed the con- 
stitution in favor of slavery, while the north, (excepting the 
pro-slavery democracy) construed it in favor of freedom. 
Hence the necessity for the thirteenth, fourteenth and fif- 
teenth amendments to the constitution, which, if not re- 
pealed, will become a dead letter under a democratic admin- 



12 

istration, and this is WHAT "REFORM" MEANS IN 
THE RECONSTRUCTED STATES. It is the old trick 
of the slave power revived, backed by the papal power. 
It is the junus-faced policy that worked so well for the des- 
potism of slayery. 

Reform is one thing at the south, but another thing at the 
north. At the south it means just what the Mobile Register 
says " is to be done with the negro as a voter," and that is, 
to " be disfranchised and thrust out of politics," or in other 
words to be again reduced to slavery ! And this is southern 
democratic reform ! ! Reform at the north means to turn 
out the Republicans and take possession of the spoils which, 
according to democratic doctrine, belong to the victors. 

But gentlemen the republican party is abundantly able to 
reform its own corruptionists or send them to the rear, as 
has been abundantly demonstrated. If its backsliders see 
fit to jump from the frying pan into the fire, and join the 
democratic party they can do so, but they will find corrup- 
tion in it, as ten to one. There a few old fossils, verdant 
youth, and degenerate ^ons of noble republican fathers 
(whose nobility ends with the sons,) who will take the polit- 
ically fatal leap. But the compensation to the republican 
party for this loss, will be a better class of men from the 
other side, who are disgusted with the fare in the democratic 
camp. 

What shall we say of northern democrats who stand god- 
fathers to such elements of despotism as we have been 
describing. Surely posterity will hold them responsible for 
apologizing for, and keeping in countenance the M. C. But- 
lers of their party, who murder in cold blood their fellow 
citizens because ihey were created with a black skin instead 
of white, but whose character stands much higher in the 
scale of morals. 

To say that they sin ignorantly is paying a very poor 
compliment to their intelligence, when every newspaper 
reader knows that the half is not told in our tract. To say 
that they sin wittingly is to inscribe on each of their politi- 
cal tombstones — "here lays an enemy of republican liberty 
— a friend of papal despotism — a particeps criminis in sham 
democracy." Nor will it mend matters to point to an occa- 
sional good man in the party, for that would be making the 



13 

exceptions the rule. These men do not direct the party 
but the party drives them, whithersoever it pleases. 

What decent man can lend his influence to such a pack 
of consummate hypocrites as were unkenneled at the late 
convention at Saratoga and denominated the democratic 
party of New York. They enter a farcical protest against 
the' U. S. Government for sending bayonets enough into the 
South to protect its citizens in the use of the ballot, which 
the constitution puts into their hands. These pinks of de- 
mocracy say it is " with a view to intimidate the people and 
control their elections," but they know as well as we do 
that the bayonets are to intimidate the intimidators who use 
the shot-gun argument and guard the ballot box with bowie 
knife and pistol to keep republicans from voting at all, if 
they have a dark skin. 

But these pattern democrats have not one word of con- 
demnation for the shot-gun regulators, the Butler murderers 
or the Hamburg massacres. And why ? Simply because 
the crimes are perpetrated in the interest of the papal de- 
mocracy. In the papal church where many of these demo- 
crats were brought up, it never was a crime to murder a 
heretic, provided it was done in the interest and name of 
the church. So in the democratic party in the south, it is 
no crime to kill a colored republican for it leaves the party 
one less vote to overcome, for every republican voter they 
kill. 

The question of finance is an important question to the 
business interests of the country, but after all we submit 
that there is one question underlying all others of still 
greater importance, and that is whether, after the next pres- 
idential election, we are to live under a despotism or a re- 
publican fomi of government. The business and property 
interests of this country would be a very different thing 
under a despotism from what they now are. It wouldn't 
matter much whether we had, for currency, gold dollars or 
rag-babies, if we had no control over either of them. The 
whole Boss Tweed crowd of Tildens HofFmans, Morriseys, 
and Kelleys would not improve our finances much. The 
Hoffinans would address from the steps of our City Halls, 
the negro-shooters, and the Butler murderers as "my 
friends," as in the 1863 riots to stop the draft to put down 



14 

the rebellion. The Tildens and others of the same crowd 
would deed public property by the miUion to the papal 
church for votes to keep them in office as was done in New 
York city after the war, imless they have reformed. If there 
is a scintilla of evidence of reformation we will take back in 
our next tract what we have said in that direction. 

But what gives the papacy so much political power 'in 
this republic ? Why is that power courted as an ally by 
the democracy and slaveocracy ? Has she votes ? Let us 
see. It is well known that the slave power of this country, 
though in a hopeless minority, ruled the nation politically 
for a generation previous to emancipation. Who can say 
the papal power may not do the same thing. Our republic 
is very nearly equally divided into two natural political 
elements, republicans and democrats. At the last presiden- 
tial election the vote was 6,431,740, of which the republi- 
cans had 3,597,670, and the democrats 2,834,070, leaving a 
difference between the two parties of 763,600. The whole 
population of the United States is nearly or quite 40,000,000 
of which 10,000,000, are Roman Catholics. The same pro- 
portion of voters among the papists gives them over a 
million and a half. The papal church of America has then 
to-day a balance of political power, aqd three quarters of a 
million of votes to spare. Their policy is to work quietly 
at the polls and make no political demonstration until they 
are still stronger, but obtain possession of the offices as fast 
as possible. They beo^an with the great financial centre of 
the nation, and we have seen how successful they have been 
thus far. The more cautious among them dare not yet 
make a public bid for the presidential chair, for fear of forc- 
ing a combination of protestants against them from both 
political parties. 

Let the sham democracy stop the manufacture of " bloody 
shirts," if they don't want republicans to hold them up to 
the gaze of the civilized world. 

At a mass meeting of the republicans of Massachusetts, 
held at Worcester, on the 4th of Sept., Hon. Geo. F. Hoar 
made a speech in which he makes the following statements : 

'• In the republican convention which met in New Orleans 
in 1868, unarmed and defenceless, 200 men were slain in 
cold blood hv democrats. In 1868 more than 2000 mur- 



15 

ders were committed in the same State, and in counties 
which had given six months before thousands of repubhcan 
majority, not a vote was cast for General Grant. In 1872 
the same thing was repeated. ^ 1873 came the Colfax 
massacre, where a party of pea^able citizens being sum- 
moned by the sheriff of the county to appear as a posse 
qpmitatiis to enable him to assert his title to othce, every 
one of whom would have been subject to an indictment at 
common law if he had refused to obey, were besieged. in the 
court-house of their county. The lives of one or two 
rebels alone of the whole number being lost, the court-=liouse 
was set on fire over their heads, and when they came out 
from under its blazing rafters with a flag of truce, they were 
surrounded by the democrats of that county and promised 
if they would surrender peaceably they should be taken a 
little way and have their lives spared. A procession was 
formed. I looked in the faces of some of the men who 
took part in that deed in New Orleans two years next win- 
ter, — a procession was formed, every two negroes followed 
by two mounted white men. They were taken a mile or 
two to a lonely place in the woods, and there, at the word 
of command, every one of those rnen were put to death ; — 
those thirty-seven bodies were found in a pile, with a bullet 
hole in the back of the head in the instance of every one." 

Mr. Hoar was a member of a Congressional committee of 
investigation which brought out these facts, and knows 
whereof he affirms. This shows that the great conspiracy 
against our liberties, some of the evidences of which we 
have grouped together, was formed as early as 1868. It 
will be seen that the more recent developments we have 
recorded are simply the carrying out of the same plan. 

At the nominating convention on the succeeding day. 
Senator Boutwell, after enumerating several of the south- 
ern states which had been seized, and were now held by 
fraud and violence by the democratic party truly said : 

" We granted to twelve million white people, who had 
forfeited every political right, all that we claimed for our- 
selves ; and we granted to four milUon black people those 
rights, and those only, which they had earned by their early 
and constant exhibition of loyalty to the government, and 
by their services and sacrifices in the war for its preserva- 
tion." 



16 



/4) 



# 



"This is the grave question which now concerns the 
country. This is the question of questions, which the 
American people have n^er been called to consider until 
now — whether by and thmugh a usurpation begun and car- 
ried on in States by organized bodies of armed men the 
government of the United States can be seized under the 
forms of law by the leader of a minority." 

On the 6th of September the democratic convention met 
in the same city. It embraced some of the disappointed 
republicans — degenerate sons of better blood — who were 
pacified with the sugar coated pill of a nomination in the 
party which embraces all the i ebel element of the country. 
In looking over the speeches and resolutions, we do not find 
one word of condemnation of their southern allies who shoot 
republicans to keep them from voting, but we find a great 
deal of condemnation of republicans who hold up the " blody 
shirts " made, endorsed and approved by democrats. They 
laud the democratic rebels in Congress for cutting down the 
expenses of the government $30,000,000, but say not one 
word of the hundreds of millions of dollars voted and to be 
voted to southern claimants for fictitious claims which the 
republican party has over and over rejected. These pattern 
democrats and renegade republicans, hold the republican 
party responsible for the war debt, but forget that there 
would have been no debt of that kind if there had been no 
democratic party to co-operate with the slave power, which 
made the war. They also lay upon the broad shoulders of 
the republican party the shrinkage of values, the depression 
in business, and the distress in mercantile circles, but do 
not even hint that the same state of things exists in all the 
principal countries of Europe, and is therefore the effect of 
other causes, not under the control of the republican party 
of America. O tempora ! O mores ! 

2®^ Orders for No. 1, " The Political Trinity of Despotism;" 
or Xo. 2, "Despotism vs. Republicanism," 16 pp. each, should 
be addressed, The Principia Club, P. O. Box, 104 Cambridge, 
Mass., or to A. Williams •& Co., Boston, Mass. Price of each $30 
per thousand. 



75 



CHAPTER V. 

Having pointed out the dangers to the perpetuity of this 
republic, it only remains to indicate the remedy. A good 
physician may be able to inform his patient what ails him, 
but unless he can prescribe a proper remedy, the informa- 
tion will avail nothing, and not even then unless the patient 
follows the prescription. In this case the remedy will be 
effective provided it be applied in season, and it is 

A LIMITED BALLOT. 

By a limited ballot we mean one protected by an educa- 
tional qualification, by a property qualification, and an oath 
of allegiance qualification. In the infancy of this republic 
these qualifications were thought unnecessary, but in its 
youth and maturer age they are indispensable to its perpe- 
tuity. 

When the political trinity of despotism carried the state 
of New York for Tilden, by the direct interference of Car- 
dinal McCloskey, Messrs. Tilden, Kelley, Morrisey & Co. 
felt sure that the victory was won, and that nothing remained 
but to take possession of the spoils in March next, and, in 
due time, divide them among the victors. They were as 
sure of a " solid south " as they were of the city of New 
York, for both were to be carried by repeaters and stufied 
ballot boxes, bulldozing and intimidation. 

With all these crimes against the ballot box, the conspir- 
ators counted in only a portion of the south, but not enough 
to turn the scale in favor of the papal candidate. Tilden 
and McCloskey both sold themselves to the devil, or the 
pope which is the same thing ; the former didn't get his pay, 
the latter did. When the priest turned the slums of New 
York city into the fold of the bulldozing democracy, he was 
only delivering goods which had been paid for in annual 
installments under the Boss Tweed and Tilden administra- 
tions for six or eight years previous. To be sure those 
millions of dollars came out of the tax-payers of New York 
city, but what do the cardinal and the politicians care for 
that, so long as the papal church gets the money, and the 
democratic party the votes. 



76 

On this subject we quote from the Boston Congregation- 
alist of Nov. 22, 1876, the following from one of its corres- 
pondents. 

"The Roman Catholic Vote. — Writing the morning 
after the election, when it seemed to be conceded all round 
that the democrats had won, a gentleman of wide observa- 
tion, and who has travelled largely in foreign countries, 
wrote in a private letter to this office as follows : 

It is conceded that New York threw the casting vote, and 
that part of it, comprising New York city and Brooklyn, 
ruled by Tammany^ was the final factor which controlled 
the election. Cardinal McCloskey used his direct personal 
influence in making peace between Kelley and Morrisey, 
and the solid catholic vote of New York city held the bal- 
ance of power. In other words, the influence of the Roman 
catholic priesthood, moved on the chess board by the master 
hand at Rome, can settle the destinies of this great nation, 
founded to furnish mankind the civil and religious liberty 
they could not obtain in the priest-ridden monarchies of 
Europe. I am not an alarmist frightened by phantoms. It 
is a living, impudent, growing, ever aggressive, unscrupu- 
lous, thoroughly selfish, crafty, completely disciplined and 
unflinching foe, with which we have to deal. And the note 
of alarm cannot be sounded too soon, too sharply, too often. 
It invades our firesides, undermines political principle, saps 
the foundations on which the government is founded, poisons 
the minds of the rising generation, a fearful, fatal, infernal 
miasma. 

Here in Massachusetts even, where they are in a minority, 
the Roman catholics have been unusually impudent and 
unbearable this election. At my boarding house the servants 
were so excited, so overcome, so influenced by the priests, 
by the stories told them, and the possibilities of a Roman 
catholic triumph, that they could hardly eat and sleep. No; 
this question is one of the living, real issues of the hour ; 
and no protestant, and no liberal paper, can be true to itself 
or the cause of constitutional liberty, which does not press 
this home to the conviction of all under its influence." 

This is more severe than any thing we have said against 
the priests of the papal church, and considering its conserv- 
ative source, may be regarded as within the truth. 



77 

We might quote volumes in proof of what we have only 
hinted at, but let us now see if there is not a substitute for 
the universal ballot. 

One of our old anti-slavery poets, the late Eev. John 
Pierpont, defined the ballot as follows: 

^* A weapon that comes down as still 

As snowflakes fall upon the sod, 
But executes a freeman's will 

As lightning does the will of God. 
And from its force nor doors nor locks 

Can shield you — 'tis the ballot-box.'' 

If a limited and protected ballot should ever be incorpo- 
rated into the organic laws of the land, with the qualifica- 
tions we have specified, it would not be a very easy thing for 
any pope, cardinal, bishop or priest to dictate the vote of a 
great state like New York, as was done by cardinal McClos- 
key, (to whom allusion has been made), at the last election. 

THE BALLOT A SACRED TRUST. 

Under a republican form of government the use of the 
elective franchise is the political thermometer of the christian 
citizen. His ballot indicates more clearly than any other 
act of his life, the quality of his religion and the sincerity of 
his piety. If his political acts do not correspond with his 
profession his religion is vain. If he votes for bad men 
under party discipline, he practically says the christian 
religion has no claim upon him in politics. 

He practically ignores the two great commands of the 
decalogue on which hang all the law and the prophets, and 
makes no distinction between right and wrong. If he sepa- 
rates his religion from his politics, it is like faith without 
works, like a body without a soul, both dead. That man is 
an hypocrite and will sell his vote to the highest bidder. 
The politics of this country have become so corrupted by 
godless politicians, that ministers of the gospel are frequently 
cautioned not to dabble in the dirty waters of politics, 
whereas they ought to be implored to use their influence by 
precept and example to purify them, by ignoring the dirt. 

The perpetuity of this republic depends so much upon the 
right use of the ballot, that it should be guarded with scru- 
pulous care. It__ should not be thrown to the rabble as a 



78 

farmer throws cornstalks to his cattle, nor should it ever be 
conferred on those who can neither write their own names 
nor read a printed ballot. Neither should it be conferred 
on any person who is not aleady under bonds to keep the 
peace with himself and the other eight million four hundred 
thousand voters, more or less, in this republic. That is to 
say, every voter should possess not only an educational but 
a property qualification, as a guarantee that his or her edu- 
cation shall be used for the perpetuity of the republic and 
not for its overthrow. It makes a very great difference 
whether a voter has ^something or nothing at stake when he 
approaches the ballot-box. If he is required to have fifty 
dollars worth of taxable property before he can vote he is 
less likely to sell his vote to a corruptionist for money, 
than if he had nothing. If he must have five hundred 
dollars to make him a voter, he is still less likely to 
sell his vote, for everybody knows full well that men who 
will buy votes to put them in office are too corrupt to be 
trusted with civil power. But there is still another safe- 
guard that should be thrown around the ballot, and that is, 
the oath of allegiance to this government, which should take 
precedence of every potentate, king, emperor or other 
earthly ruler. Every foreigner should be required to sub- 
scribe to such an oath on the receipt of his naturalization 
papers, after a sufficient residence in this country to eutitle 
him to citizenship. But no rebel or traitor to his country 
should ever be restored to citizenship after having once 
voluntarily forfeited it. If he escapes the halter, he should 
never be compensated with the ballot. The country to-day 
is suffering the penalty of pardoning rebels and restoring 
them to citizenship. 

Our naturalization laws have utterly failed to protect the 
ballot as was intended by those who framed them. They 
probably never dreamed that the administration of those 
laws would ever fall into the hands of corrupt politicians 
who would entirely disregard them, as has been the case in 
New York city for many years. If the qualifications we 
have named, or even reading and writing had been required 
of every voter, the Tweeds, the Tildens, the Morriseys and 
the Kelleys would not have found it quite so easy, on the 
night of every election to count up votes enough to neutral- 



79 

ize the republican votes of the whole state of New York, 
and turn the scale. The property qualification alone did 
not answer the purpose. In some of the states a voter must 
own at least fifty dollars worth of taxable property. Con- 
sequently a man of no property could buy a mule to-day, 
worth fifty dollars, and vote to-morrow. But the ludicrous 
question arose, which voted, the man or the mule. 

When the ballot was given to the freedmen of the rebel 
states the case was very different. President Lincoln was 
in favor of returning the ballot to the disloyal whites who 
had forfeited their citizenship and their lives, but Secretary 
Chase thought that the ballot should be given to the people 
who were loyal to the government, whether their skins were 
white or black, to those who had fought to save the govern- 
ment, and not those who had fought to destroy it. This was 
a case not only o^ justice but of absolute necessity, as much 
to preserve the government, as making them soldiers was 
to save it. This was the only point, gave one, on which the 
President and his financial Secretary disagreed, and that one 
point was the basis on which the proclamation of emancipa- 
tion should rest Mr. Lincoln thought its necessity as a 
war measure was all sufficient, while Mr. Chase insisted that 
JUSTICE to the negro should be recognized, a point which 
was yielded as the proclamation shows. [See letter of 
S. P. Chase to J. W. Alden, in Daily Adv., May, 1873.] 

If the elective franchise could be confined to those persons 
who have the requisite qualifications above specified, one 
great objection to woman suffrage would be out of the way. 
We have ignorant foreigners enough now who have the 
right to vote, without adding that large class of women who 
would outvote American women of intelligence two or three 
to one. The reason is not because the foreigners are so 
much more numerous but because they would all vote, 
while a small portion of American women would probably 
do so. We may be mistaken, but so far as our own obser- 
vation goes it is true. In case restricted or limited suffrage 
should be substituted for universal, there are three classes 
who would be more or less affected by the change. 

1. A large foreign population who have been brought to 
the polls, regardless of our naturalization laws, soon after 
landing on our shores, and who could neither write their 
own names, nor read a printed ballot. 



80 

2. The freedmen of the reconstructed states who grad- 
uated in the " patriarchal institution" of slavery, but who 
could neither read nor write, and who have not learned to 
do so since emancipation. Of this class of voters Attorney 
General Taft, in his annual report submitted to Congress, 
Jan. 9, 1877, says, "universal education of the voting 
people, both white and colored is essential to the safety of 
our repuUican government, No time should be lost in 
furni.-^hing ample opportunities to every American citizen of 
whatever complexion, race or condition, to acquire sufficient 
mental and physical draining to vote and fight with intelli- 
gence." 

3. The third class would be prospectively affected only, 
because suffrage is not yet extended to women. It would 
be much sooner, if the ballot should be limited by an edu- 
cational qualification. 

The probability is that in the first class there are some- 
thing over a million of voters, and in the second something 
less. But one would offset the other inasmuch as there are 
a larger number in the first class who would remain qualified 
voters under a limited ballot, than in the second, so that the 
loss of votes to the democratic party in the first class would 
just about equal the loss of votes to the republican party in 
the second class. 

Those who would be dropped out of the voting lists by 
the enactment of laws limiting the ballot to an educational 
and property qualification, would have a new incentive to 
acquire a common school education, for the sake of the 
reward of full citizenship, and those who have not brains 
enough to acquire the education, and industry and economy 
enough to acquire the property, certainly have not intelli- 
gence enough to use the ballot with proper discrimination. 

Perhaps some would prefer that every voter should be 
required to come up to a certain standard of intelligence, to 
be ascertained by a commission in every city or town, his 
name recorded, and his ballot to be endorsed by himself in 
his own hand writing and compared with the voting list 
before his ballot could be counted. This may be preferable 
to the property qualification. 

But we should view this matter from a higher plane than 
the political battle field. No matter whose private interests 



I 



81 

are affected by the limitation of the ballot, what does the 
public good require ? Are our liberties to be put into the 
power and keeping of the ignorant emigrant population 
from Europe and the slums of our cities ? Is a convicted 
felon of the old world to be transported to this country and 
at once admitted to full citizenship? This is the way that 
thing has been done. A man may be discharged from any 
prison in Europe, without the knowledge of a single letter 
of the alphabet, have his naturalization papers and ballot 
put into his hand immediately on his arrival in New York, 
walk up to the ballot-box and wield as much political power 
as William M. Evarts or any other citizen of the United 
States. This is the practice whether it is the letter of the 
law or not, and this is one way the republican majorities 
have been overcome in New York city for years, or rather 
we should say this and the ballot-box stuffing are the ways 
the slums of New York city have cheated the republicans 
of the state out of their majorities. It has succeeded so 
well and so long there, that Tilden's conspirators are trying 
the same game in the contested states that have republican 
majorities. They have been through the operation so many 
times in New York without let or hindrance, that they 
claimed success and proclaimed Tilden elected. It now 
remains to be seen whether there is republican pluck enough 
to insist on a proper discrimination between legal and illegal 
votes, and after that whether there is wisdom enough in the 
country outside of the combination against our liberties, to 
protect the ballot as it ought to be protected in order to 
save the republic, by the enactment of a general law with 
the above safeguards which shall have the same operation 
in every state of the union. 

The truth is we have made two radical, and unless cor- 
rected fatal mistakes in this country. The one was universal 
suffrage without the safeguards we have proposed, and the 
other was allowing our conquered rebels to go unhung, and 
removing the disabilities they had incurred, so as to allow 
them to come back into Congress and make laws for the 
country they could not destroy. For this God is dealing 
with this nation. 

Since the above was written the Preddent's annual 
message has come to hand, with the following paragraph on 
6 



82 

the subject of compulsory education and its application to 
the ballot. 

THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT. 

"The attention of Congress cannot be too earnestly called 
to the necessity of throwing some greater safeguard over 
the method of choosing and declaring the election of a 
President. Under the present system there seems to be no 
provided remedy for contesting the election in any one state. 
The remedy partially, no doubt, is in the enlightenment of 
electors. The compulsory support of the free schools and 
the disfranchisement of all who cannot read and write the 
English language, after a fixed probation, would meet my 
hearty approval. I would not make this apply, however, to 
those already voters, but I would to all becoming so after 
the expiration of the probation fixed upon. Foreigners 
coming to the country to become citizens who are educated 
in their own language would acquire the requisite knowl- 
edge of ours during the necessary residence to obtain 
naturalization. If they did not take interest enough in our 
language to acquire sufficient knowledge of it to enable 
them to study the institutions and laws of the country intel- 
ligently, I would not confer upon them the right to make 
such laws, nor to select those who do." 

It will be seen that these two plans so far as the Presi- 
dent goes into it, are in harmony with each other, with 
a single exception. President Grant "would not make 
this apply to those already voters," while on the other 
hand, we would make it apply to those above all others. 
First because there are tens, if not hundreds oj thousands of 
voters on our check lists who have not now nor never had 
any legal right there. They are the balance of-power-slums 
crowd that obey the mandates of the papal priests, and if 
there is no way to rid the republic of their political power 
until they qualify we may as well stop where we are, for 
second the combination is already so strong against republi- 
canism and so corrupt that it requires a severe remedy. If 
a soldier's leg is shattered by a cannon ball, and the surgeon 
finds amputation necessary to save life, he takes it off above 
the fracture not helow it. If a physician finds his patient 
afflicted with a cancer he removes the cancer to save the 



83 

patient, but never scatters it through the whole system, 
beciuse that would be fatal. Third if the elective franchise 
were a natural right it could not be taken from those who 
now exercise that right, even though every voter should 
sell his vote as Esau sold his birthright. Nor could it have 
been taken from the rebels as it was and returned to them 
without sufficient guarantees. But as it is a civil privilege 
conferred by the state or nation, it can be withheld or taken 
away for cause, by the same power that conferred it. The 
laws of some of the states already require an educational 
qualification, and if all the states had the same laws and no 
others we should not, at this writing, witness the significant 
fact, that all the states but four which furnished means to 
save the republic in the late war, voted for Hayes, and all 
but three who sought to destroy it voted for Tilden ! 

Nor should we witness the humiliating spectacle of the 
incipient stages of another rebellion, if an hundred or two 
leaders of the last rebellion had been hung instead of par- 
doned. But they were so easily let off, that the same rebel 
element is much more bold and defiant now than before it 
fired on Sumter, and this is what the. loyal people of the 
country get for their magnanimity to a conquered foe. Let 
the American people never repeat such stupendous folly by 
offering a bounty on rebellion. Let the rebel element 
understand once for all, that relels must swing, as the 
lightest penalty for that crime. 

If the lesson taught the American people by the last 
presidential vote shows any thing, it is that the political 
trinity of despotism was thoroughly organized during the last 
canvass. That is to say, that the conspiracy against repub- 
licanism and the republic, which had long been in embryo 
culminated in the last canvass. The old slave power, the 
papal power, and the rebel democracy including northern 
copperlieads are an organized unit for political purposes, 
and if any one is so childish or simple hearted as to suppose 
that a combination so thoroughly corrupt and completely 
organized, will give up beat after the inauguration of Hayes 
and Wheeler on the 4th of March next, that one and all 
like him will find themselves wofully mistaken. Nor need 
we wait the developements of either the ides of February 
or March. An honest analysis of the November vote shows 



84 

an enormous increase, unparalled by any precedent, which 
republicans believe to be fraudulent, and democrats know to 
be so. A further investigation reveals the astounding fact 
that this fraudulent increase is found in the papal slums of 
the large cities of the great states some one or more of 
which generally decides who shall be president of this great 
repubUc. In the last canvass New York was thought to be 
the determining state. From 18G8 to 1872, her vote 
decreased 21,749. But from 1872 to 1876 it increased 
175,000 ! Where are we to look for this unnatural, illegit- 
imate, and astounding increase ? The returns show that the 
democratic majority in New York city alone out-counts all 
the republican majorities in the whole state, with a large 
margin left. But the city of Brooklyn, and Kings county 
eclipses even New York city. According to the increase 
indicated by her vote, her population must have doubled in 
the last four years. Of course nobody believes this except 
very verdant democrats. Nor could the voters have been 
imported for the occasion from adjacent cities without re- 
vealing the fact of such an exodus, except under an assumed 
name as in Connecticut, " Eighteen hundred tramps " were 
said to be lodged in the station-houses in New Haven about 
election time, and it is fair to suppose that they belonged to 
the army of Tilden reserves, who operated as democratic 
repeaters to swell the otherwise unaccountable majorities in 
New York city, Brooklyn, Kings county and Connecticut. 

There is no doubt that the great state of New York not 
only, but several other states which were carried for Tilden 
were carried or rather " counted in " by what Dr. Leonard 
Bacon, in the New York Tribune calls the '-' crime as^ainst 
the ballot-box." He defines his meaning of that term, thus : 
"I mean not only the crime of putting into the box a ballot 
which has no right to be there, or of counting falsely when 
the box is opened, but also the equivalent crime of attempting 
to defeat the wilt of the people by bribing or intimidating 
those to whom the law has given the right of voting." 
Again he says, "the robber who with pistol or bludgeon 
coerces a traveller into the surrender of his purse is really 
not a greater villain than the man who has any part in an 
attempt to control an election by violence at the ballot-box 
or by intimidation beforehand." 



85 

It is said that fraudulent voting is a game that both par- 
ties can play at. Very true. But the democrats are highly 
educated in that art while republicans are mere novices, and 
when a bargain is made by both parties not to challenge 
fraudulent voters, as has been done, the republicans find 
themselves outwitted, and outvoted as they ought to be. We 
are aware that all laws protecting the ballot would be 
trampled under foot by this class of criminals, but that is no 
reason why good laws should not be enacted. The great 
Lawgiver does not repeal the ten commandments because 
men trample them under their feet, nor should we refrain 
from making good laws because wicked men will do the 
same thing. The crimes against the ballot-box have been 
committed so long with impunity and success, that any laws 
that could be framed would be powerless unless enforced. 
Fraudulent voting, fraudulent counting, false swearing, bear- 
ing false witness, &c., would still go on unless the laws were 
executed as well as enacted. The Wade Hamptons of 
South Carolina can subscribe their already dishonored 
names to the notorious falsehood that "not one drop of 
blood had been shed by democrats," the chivalrous rifle- 
clubs of Louisiana can display their wonderful democratic 
bravery and courage by surrounding the cottages of defence- 
less mothers and children, (whose republican husbands and 
fathers had fled to save their lives,) lacerating the persons 
of the mothers and throwing their innocent babes into the 
river, the bull-dozers of Florida can shoot and maim and kill 
republican voters after the latest democratic pattern, the 
copperheads can swear by the authority of democratic 
newspapers that the overwhelming testimony of all these 
and many more crimes and practices, are republican lies. 
Hence all these things can be done outside of any laws 
limiting or protecting the ballot. But there are already 
criminal laws for the lawless, which are practically nullified 
in all the ex-slave states where the political trinity of 
despotism bears sway. These elements taken separately or 
together, are incompatible with civil liberty, and when 
combined create a public sentiment utterly opposed to laws 
in harmony with republican institutions, and until that public 
sentiment is toned up to obedience to the laws of the land, 
it matters very little what those laws are or may be, in those 



86 

God-forsaken states under the iron heel of the despotic 
trinity which is to-day better organized for another rebelHon 
than the day in which one of its factors fired on Sumter. 
Southern policy is unmistakably in the direct line of another 
rebellion, as recent developements in South Carolina and 
elsewhere already show. The democratic bull-dozers have 
set up a state government of their own with the truthful 
Wade Hampton for Governor. At a recent convention in 
Charleston for the purpose of manufacturing a public senti- 
ment in their favor, and superseding the regularly consti- 
tuted state goverment with D. H. Chamberlain for governor, 
the very essence of rebellion crops out in all their proceed- 
ings. The Boston Daily Advertiser, Dec. 26, 1876, says: 

'* The upshot of all is expressed in the resolution declaring 
that they will yield obedience only to Wade Hampton as 
governor, and pledging whatever assistance, moral, financial 
and material, may be required for the establishment of the 
government of which he is the head. The purpose, plainly 
avowed in the speeches, is to 'starve out' the repubhcan 
administration and legislature. For the most part, the 
speeches were studiously decorous; but the passion burning 
underneath the careful words occasionally flashed out, as 
when the president denounced governor Chamberlain as a 
most infamous usurper, wrongly sustained by the federal 
administration, and when Mr. Tupper referred to the exist- 
ing government, as 'a government that rests upon fraud 
and infamy, that is administered by the stranger and 
adventurer, and is only upheld by the bayonets of a tyrantJ 
The same speaker again referred to the national adminis- 
tration as the 'central despotism at Washington.' 

The representation of all the speakers was that Hampton 
had been elected by the people, and that Chamberlain was 
attempting to " cheat the people of their choice." This is 
their way of putting it. But there is another side, and one 
much more consonant with the known facts. It avers that 
the democrats of South Carolina attempted to cheat and 
defraud the people at the polls, by-, in the first place, creat- 
ing a reign of terror, to deter the colored men from voting, 
of which Hamburoj and Ellenton are the si<jnificant indica- 
tions ; and, in the second place, stuffing the ballot-boxes, of 
which the fact that the counties returning the heaviest dem- 



87 

ocratic majorities appear to have polled more votes by 
thousands than there are voters in them, according to tlie 
census, is the significant indication. The correction of 
results obtained by such illegal oppression and outrage is 
what the Charleston speakers denounce as " cheating them 
of their hard-earned victory." They appear to hate the 
operations of a canvassing board, authorized to investigate 
the circumstances of the election, much as malefactors hate 
the machinery of the courts. They have not a word of 
righteous condemnation for the fraud and crimes by which 
a majority was obtained, but upon any inquiry into them 
they wreak the vocabulary of indignation. 

But all this talk about Wade Hampton having been 
fairly elected governor by the free choice of the people of 
the state is an after-thought. It was known and confessed 
before the nomination that his election by fair and peaceable 
means would be impossible. The Charleston News and 
Courier said, when the nomination of Hampton was broached, 
that "it would be useless; he could not be elected except 
by a campaign of violence, and for that the people were not 
prepared." Nevertheless, the faction that were ready for 
violence insisted on Hampton. They got a Mississippi 
democrat to come to Columbia to their state convention. 
He was admitted to the secret session of the convention and 
there unfolded the Mississippi plan, a plan of violence and 
intimidation, and Hampton was nominated to be elected that 
way, and with no hope of electing him in any other way. 
Why should we not question the fairness of the South Car- 
olina democracy, when they show such alacrity to profit by 
the crimes of lawless men, and have no word of rebuke or 
reproof for the crimes, or for those who commit them? 
From 1865 until the present time the southern democracy 
have acted on a consistent plan to obtain control of the 
southern states. The reckless young men, who acknowl- 
edge no social or civil restraints, men whose lives are given 
up to violence and crime, and who thrive upon disorder, 
have their own secret, armed organizations, for which the 
respectable and conservative south takes no open responsi- 
bility. But when the elections come, and these armed and 
lawless bodies have done their work, as they did it at New 
Orleans, Conshatta and Memphis, and later at Ellenton and 



88 

Hamburg, the democracy of the south, and, indeed of the 
whole country, throws its mantle over the crime and takes 
to itself all the advantages gained by it. 

When, therefore, the southern democrats turn their faces 
northward and complain that they are misinformed, we are 
prepared to tell them it is because they are understood, 
perhaps better then they understand themselves, that the 
northern people do not trust their professions. They appear 
to think that chivalry is compatible with murdering men for 
a difference of opinion. They appear to think the massacre 
of unarmed captives is a deed to be condoned. They appear 
to think that carrying an election by frightening all who are 
opposed to them away from the polls is an act tp be justified. 
They appear to think the golden rule is npt^ applicable to 
the relations between white democrats and negro republi- 
cans. They appear to think it is the part of good citizens 
to obstruct the enforcement of the law when its enforcement 
would bring white democrats into disgrace. We are judging 
them by acts which are of record, as their partisan allies 
and apologists at the North well know. It is the lasting 
shame and reproach of the democracy, north and south, 
that it has always been ready to defend every outrage 
against the supremacy of the law and the sacredness of the 
ballot up to the edge of rebellion. Is there to be another 
vain attempt to repeat the experience of the past?" 

The last question of the Advertiser's article is being 
answered in the affirmative almost daily, by the northern 
copperhead alhes. Among the third class men elected to 
Congress by fraudulent voting and ballot-box stuffing is the 
Hon. (?) H. B. Banning of Ohio. At a meeting recently 
held in Cincinnati to manufacture more public sentiment in 
favor of the bull-dozing democracy, certain resolutions were 
passed and sent to Congress to constitute the warp or woof 
of their proceedings for that day at least. The discussion 
which arose on this doubtful proceeding brought out the 
" Bounding Banning," (as his constituents in Cincinnati call 
him) the result of which was the following forensic effort. 

'' During the debate Mr. Banning of Ohio said the repub- 
lican party was attempting to defeat the will of the people 
by fraud ; but if there was one thing the people loved more 
than another, more than life, it was the liberty that was 



89 

vouchsafed to them in an honest ballot-box, (Applause on 
the democratic side and in the galleries.) He wished to tell 
the gentleman from Ohio, (Garfield) that the people would 
have an honest ballot-box. Though an army might come 
with eighty rounds of ammunition, though the navy might 
be called upon, though the 80,000 office-holders might be 
called to the rescue, an honest people would put them all 
down. (Applause.) He hoped the members on the other 
side of the house would throw aside their partisanship and 
stand by the right." 

This specimen of western democracy is thus noticed in 
the Boston Daily Advertiser of Dec. 29, 1876. 

THE BOUNDING BANNING. 

" The Hon. Henry B. Banning, M. c. of Cincinnati, is 
known among his friends as the Bounding Banning. The 
epithet is well bestowed. It suggests the character of Mr. 
Banning's eloquence, a most apt illustration of which was 
given in the House on Wednesday. He reached the pith of 
his argument with a skip and a bound; more especially 
with a skip. When he uttered a prolonged shriek for an 
honest ballot-box, he had passed over a vast amount of 
intervening ground from his starting-point. What is an 
honest ballot-box? Mr. Banning's idea seems to be, that it 
is of no consequence whether or not the election is a free 
one. Honesty is secured if the votes actually in the ballot- 
box are truly enumerated, — a fraudulent vote counting as 
much as a good one, and no allowance to be made for legal 
votes illegally excluded from the box. There is to be a 
remedy for faulty arithmetic, but none at all for repeating, 
corruption, colonization, intimidation or bull-dozing. Oddly 
enough, Mr. Banning has a personal interest in the preva- 
lence of this wise and fair view. He owes the certificate 
he will carry with him to the next House to what he under- 
stands by an honest ballot-box, — that is to say, a ballot-box 
stuffed with fraudulent votes, which have been scrupulously 
and conscientiously counted. 

This is what " the honest people " are to have, regardless 
of consequences. President, army, navy and 80,000 office 
holders (there were over 100,000, we were told during the 
campaign) will vainly contend against the people enlisted 



90 

in this holy war. Republicans are besought to lay aside 
their partisanship (as the democrats have done) and stand 
up for the right. Most cheerfully. Republicans desire an 
honest ballot-box. They do not, however, quite agree with 
the Bounding Banning as to what constitutes an honest 
ballot-box. They suppose it to be an honest count of honest 
votes at a free election. Perhaps they would fight for that, 
if they knew how and whom to fight. But if they are 
expected to fight for a scrupulous count of ballots in a bull- 
dozed ballot-box, there is room for much disappointment." 

The political tactics of the triple alliance of despotism are 
thus stated in the same issue of the Advertiser: 

" From the day of the election to this hour, it has been 
the democratic policy to claim everything. The word went 
forth at the outset, and has been scrupulously acted upon, 
that nothing which appeared against them was to be ad- 
mitted, and nothing in their favor was to be questioned. If 
anything can be proved by evidence, if there is any value 
whatever in human testimony, it has been proved that 
certain districts in Louisiana were taken possession of by 
bodies of armed men unknown to the laws, and that the 
election iij those districts was held at their mercy. It is 
equally well established that in certain districts in South 
Carolina and Florida the same flagrant crime against a free 
ballot was perpetrated. 

But the party in whose interest it was perpetrated denies 
everything. Its representatives in Congress, its newspapers 
north and south, do not say the facts are over-stated, but 
that they do not exist. They admit nothing. The facts 
are of record. The witnesses are a legion. The sun, 
blazing at noonday in mid-heaven, is not clearer than their 
testimony, nor more convincing. But it is denied with as 
much assurance as if it were really manufactured for the 
emergency. It is this circumstance which makes it difficult 
to believe in the good faith of the democratic party or its 
leaders. For there can be no common basis for negotiation 
which does not recognize the existence of the crimes by 
which the validity of the votes actually cast in the states 
contested was made a proper subject for examination. 

Many of our best men, even among the leaders of public 
opinion, seem to have been misled by their disgust at the 



91 

abuses of carpet-bag and negro rule, so far as to forget the 
great and real issue, which is that the election of a free 
government must he guarded against fraud and violence. 
Abuses there have been — not to be forgotten or palliated. 
Whatever responsibility belongs to the republican party for 
the misconduct of men who have outraged its confidence in 
them, it must bear. But we are now deahng with the facts 
of this election, and the evidence of violence used to defeat 
the free expression of the popular will, must be taken 
account of by those who have the responsibility of acting 
upon the issue involved, and more especially by those who 
are attempting to shape and control the moral sentiment of 
the country in regard to them." 

In the popular vote the conspirators against the republican 
party claim 249,786 over Hayes. But these gains for the 
bull-dozing democracy are fraudulent and illegal. In the 
overwhelming evidence before the congressional committees 
of investigation, we learn how they were obtained, first by 
decreasing or entirely blotting out the large republican 
majorities in the southern states, by bull-dozing and mur- 
dering republican voters, by rifle-club intimidation, by forc- 
ing republican voters to vote the democratic ticket to save 
their lives, and by ballot-box stuffing and false counting. 
In some counties the republican majorities were not only 
blotted out by the above process, but the ballot-boxes were 
stuffed until they counted up more votes for the bull-dozing 
democracy than all the voters in the precincts twice over. 
This was why the democracy insisted so strenuously upon 
having all the votes, legal and illegal, returned by the can- 
vassing boards, and when such counties as Edgefield in s. c. 
which had more democratic votes than double the voters in 
the county^ was thrown out by the canvassing board, it raised 
a demoniac howl among the conspirators from Maine to 
Georgia. In Florida hundreds of democratic repeaters 
were sent along the lines of railroads to vote at every station, 
and each man cast as many votes for Tilden electors as there 
were stations on the railroad! What a burlesque on the 
sanctity of the ballot ! 

The triple conspiracy against the sacredness of the ballot- 
box is a combination to be studied in order to be fully un- 
derstood. Orthodox copperheads and papal slums, renegade 



92 

republicans and democratic bull-dozers, rifle club intimida- 
tors and northern applauders, women scourgers and baby- 
drowners, are among the democratic "reformers" which 
constitute the political bed-fellows of the improved democ- 
racy^ re-organized. Under the patriarchal institution of 
slavery the southern chivalry were accustomed to sell babies 
by the pound, but now the reform consists in throwing 
those of republican families into the nearest river, maiming 
their mothers and killing their fathers, and then reporting 
all things quiet in the South. 

The means used to carry the last election by the enemies 
of republicanism, is enough to make the bones of our Pilgrim 
and Puritan ancestors rattle in their graves. Not the least 
among the means used to capture the government and take 
possession of its archives and money-chest, was the intimi- 
dation plan of the southern conspirators and rifle clubs, 
enlarged and intensified by their northern copperhead 
allies. After a series of state conventions to manufacture 
public sentiment in that direction by proclaiming in advance, 
" Tilden elected by the people," the comedies in the states 
were to be succeeded by a grand tragedy in Washington, 
to wit, a national democratic convention of 100,000 to sur- 
round the capitol and intimidate the senate. Many of these 
conventions were held simultaneously on the 8th of January, 
succeeded by others, and the national committee duly 
instructed to call said convention at Washington for purposes 
aforesaid. But they were not ready. There were too 
many troops in and around Washington, and the bull-dozing 
democracy couldn't count on an old public funtionary of the 
Buchanan stamp at the white house. President Grant was 
made of sterner stuff. Accordingly the democratic House 
of Representatives proposed to remedy the difficulty by 
reducing the number of troops, so as to diminish the power 
of the President to preserve the peace, and allow the political 
trinity a fair chance for a coup d' e'tat in case Tilden should 
not be counted in. The infamous proposition failed by two 
majority, which of course were from the democratic side of 
the House, and showed that the dog though " a leetle ahead 
of the wolf" was in a dangerous position. 

Some of the democrats in Washington began to see, in 
their lucid moments, that this nice little scheme of intimi- 



93 

dating the Senate, by calling their country cousins to witness 
the counts with a 100,000 shot-gun argument — would be 
regarded as the first gun on Sumter ISo. 2, and that their 
boasted plurality of Tilden voters^ whether each had repeated 
his ballot once or ten times, would count but one soldier. 
He could carry but one musket even if he had cast a dozen 
ballots for electors, and the Tilden plurality would shrink 
into a hopeless minority on the battle-field. In this dilemma 
of the democratic party, the proposition to compound a com- 
mittee of settlement of five members from the republican 
Senate, five members from the democratic House and five 
members from the United States Supreme Court, was a per- 
fect 'godsend, and relieved the democratic national Executive 
Committee of the responsibility of calling the intimidating 
convention according to the instructions of the Ohio conven- 
tion. On the question of appointing the said committee of 
fifteen to whom the counting of the contested votes of the 
electoral college should be referred, the dividing line ran 
straight through the hearts of both parties. After thorough 
discussion on both sides the measure was passed in the 
Senate by a vote of 47 to 17, and in the House by a vote of 
191 to 86, of which 158 democrats and 33 republicans voted 
for it, and 68 republicans and 18 democrats voted in the 
negative, seven of each party being absent. If the country 
were relieved the democracy were more so, for now the 
latter could await the action of the electoral vote commission 
and perhaps be relieved from a coup de grace^ to make Tilden 
president, which notwithstanding the nicknames given it, 
would have been treated as rebellion, not as it was in 1861 
but as it ought to have been in 1865 by hanging the rebels, 
instead of pardoning them after the war, restoring them to 
citizenship, and electing them members of Congress. The 
majority of the present national legislature is a disgrace to 
civilization. Northern copperheads have fairly distanced 
southern bull-dozers in the race for notoriety. 

When the electoral commission was agreed to on the part 
of the hidl'dozing democracy, it was with the secret under- 
standing on their part, (as afterwards appeared) that the 
decision would be rendered in Tilden's favor. One of the 
cardinal doctrines of that party, viz., that one lie well stuck 
to, is worth two truths feebly sustained, had bebn so thor- 



94 

oughly practiced since the election, and so eminently suc- 
cessful, that a continuance of the policy was thought sure 
to succeed with the commission. Hence the disappointment 
and chagrin of the party at the decision in favor of Hayes. 
Not one particle of party bias was yielded by any member 
of the commission, but the whole thing turned on the political 
preferences of the fifteenth man, with the casting vote. 

It is a general if not an universal rule, that antagonistic 
elements employed to perform specific work, do not prove 
successful. Fifty years observation and experience in asso- 
ciations, mercantile firms and corporations have never 
revealed to us an exception to this rule. The same rule 
holds good in ecclesiastical organizations and why ncrt in 
political. Possibly our worthy President's mixed cabinet 
may prove an exception to the above rule, but more probably 
it may need a reorganization before many months, in order 
to work in harmony with the Executive. In such cases 
somebody must be converted or resign and give place to 
others in sympathy with the majority. 

The last encyclical letter of the pope reveals the wonder- 
ful impatience at the Vatican, of the slow progress of the 
papal cardinals and bishops in America in getting the con- 
trol of our politics. Having been deceived by the democratic 
papers in regard to the election of their candidate, and not 
realizing that presidents in this country are not elected by 
proclamation, the infallible (?) pope issued the said letter of 
instructions to his cardinals in America foreshadowing the 
next work to be done, to wit, the destruction of our common 
school system. The cardinals knowing that their candidate 
was not elected by the people, and that their only chance of 
having him counted in by the electoral commission would be 
utterly destroyed by the publication of the encyclical letter, 
wisely withheld it until the final decision of the commission. 

But whether this is a new production* of the Vatican or 
refers back to one from the " Supreme Congregation of the 
Universal Inquisition of Rome," approved and endorsed by 
the pope, in November, 1875, does not matter. The instruc- 
tions touching the common school system of the United 
States are the same, and were published in the St. Louis 
Globe Democrat, furnished by the Sunday Messenger, a 
catholic organ in that city. See Boston Daily Advertiser, 
April 20, 1877. 



95 

This premature action of the pope is another proof of his 
infallibility^ to be added to his acknowledgement of the 
independence of the southern confederacy, which is still 
fresh in our memories. Who can doubt hereafter the infal- 
libility of his holiness. The electoral commission was no 
sooner fairly at work, than the discovery was made that a 
majority of them were not controlled by the political trinity 
of despotism, notwithstanding one of the bell-weather cor- 
ruptionists of the age, the Tweed and Tilden counsel was 
employed to instruct the commission, for the bull-dozing 
democracy of the house, and especially the members from 
the Supreme Court bench in their duties. The first two 
decisions of the commission not to go back of the governor's 
certificate, and declaring the Hayes electors duly elected 
and certified in the Florida case, revealed to the conspirators 
that the plantation discipline of the House was base coin in 
the eyes of a majority of the commission. Hence the efforts 
of the former to block the wheels of the latter, and trample 
under foot their own solemn pledges to abide the decisions 
of the commission. Thus by refusing to accept it and by 
voting to adjourn, they gained time to go to New York for 
fresh instructions from Tilden and the papal nuncio, who 
gave him not only New York city but the state. What a 
humiliating spectacle for a great country like this to con- 
template, that business of all kinds, legislative, commercial, 
and financial must stand still at the command of an infamous 
trio of conspirators, until they can devise other means to 
cheat the legal voters of the nation out of a president of 
their own choice ! If D. D. Field were a " Joshua, the son 
of Nun, Moses' minister," instead of Tilden's lawyer, he 
would probably for another $100,000 command the "sun 
to stand still " on capital hill, and " the moon in the valley 
of the Potomac until the bull-dozing democracy ^'had 
avenged themselves upon their enemies." But perhaps we 
may be spared this brilliant achievement, as Moses' minister 
and Tilden's counsel are very different men. The former 
had a good standing before the court of Heaven, while the 
latter has no standing, even before th^ Electoral Commission. 
Backed by shot-gun arguments in prospect, encouraged by 
the notorious falsehood signed by Wade Hampton and others 
and sent to the President, to wit, " that not one drop of 



96 

republican blood had been shed by democrats," while stand- 
ing ancle deep in pools of republican blood from democratic 
rifle clubs, shouting fraud and offering to prove it by the 
redoubtable Maddox & Co., charging corruption, to be proved 
by a Frenchman, said to have heard the milhon dollars sale 
of the state by Gov. Wells, and v^ho could understand 
English well enough to hear the bargain but not well enough 
to testify before the commission, except in French to be 
translated by Tilden's lawyer ! The conspirators felt sure of 
success. 

State rights, the v^ry citadel of democracy, (to wit, that 
the choice of electors is exclusively within the jurisdiction 
and control of the states) was left an open question for the 
commission themselves to decide. But the democracy chose 
to ignore their own doctrine of state rights so as to count in 
Tilden, while the republicans held them to it, and the com- 
mission decided that neither it not Congress had the power 
to go behind the certificates of state officers and constitute 
either a returning board independent of the state authorities. 
The states have their rights and Congress has its rights, but 
this is not one of them. One of the state rights not delegated 
to Congress is the choice of electors by the people, and the 
certification thereof by its governor or secretary, and for 
Congress to go behind that, is to substitute centralized 
power for state rights. Three out of five justices of the 
Supreme Court on the commission declare on their oaths 
that Congress is inhibited by both law and constitution from 
reversing state action in the choice of electors. 

If there had been time to go back of the returns and sift 
thoroughly the bull-dozing, the ballot-box-stuffing, the rifle- 
club shooting, the false counting and all other crimes against 
the ballot-box by whomsoever committed, the republican 
column would have gained several states that are now cred- 
ited to the bull-dozing democracy. There is not the slight- 
est doubt that several republican states have been counted in 
for Tilden, but as Hayes had enough left to elect him, it 
would not pay to contest them. It would be strange indeed 
if there had been no fraud committed by republicans, and 
we would not in the least excuse or palliate it, but the 
wholesale crimes against the ballot-box, which we have 
enumerated and which have been proven against the demo- 



97 

crats, throw the comparatively insignificant frauds of the 
republicans into the shade. 

We must now draw to a close one of the most important 
chapters in American history. The great politico-religious 
conspiracy of the age came within a single vote in the 
electoral college of electing their man president of these 
United States. The papal campaign began fifty years ago 
and more, as has already been announced in the preface, 
and it is not impossible that another four years may see the 
political trinity victorious. A few democratic politicians 
may take the back seats, but the papal element, the all 
pervading animus of the party, will never abandon the race 
until the prize is secured. The last campaign revealed the 
modus operandi by which repeating, ballot-box-stuffing, bull- 
dozing and the like, will be sure of victory if satan can keep 
the pulpit and the press in blissful silence, or make them 
ignore the real interpretation of the acts and language of 
the conspirators. 

Webster and Worcester are not reliable authorities by 
which to define the terms or interpret the language of the 
democratic literature current in the last campaign. It 
requires the pocket dictionary of the bull dozing democracy, 
revised and corrected by their northern copperhead allies, to 
do that. Their acts show what they mean. Their language 
needs to be interpreted accordingly. That this whole con- 
spiracy was not laid open to the world five years ago, or in 
season to break its force, is not our fault, but that of journal- 
ism. We offered to uncover the grand scheme for a coup 
d^etat, but it was declined on the ground that it was prema- 
ture, the country not ready, &c. What folly! See the 
cloud rising, hear the thunders roar, witness the lightning 
flashes and neglect to close the doors and windows of your 
dwellings until the storm is upon you. 

Take another case of journalistic wisdom. The papers 
now inform us as an item of news that the Erie railroad 
property is to be sold under foreclosure, that its liabilities 
are, capital stock, S86,o36,000; funded and floating debt, 
$55,400,000, making a total of $141,936,000, — that the 
value of the road as shown by the papers with reference to 
foreclosure is about $45,000,000, leaving a deficit of $96,- 
936,000 ! Thus the whole capital stock is a total loss to 
7 



98 

its victims, and also ten millions four hundred thousand dol- 
lars of its bonded and floating debt. Well what of it? This 
verily. Some years ago we offered to show that fifty mil- 
lions of Erie stock had been issued to the ring and not one 
dollar paid into the treasury from the ring members to 
whom the stock was issued, that the stock was returned to 
the treasury and bonds issued in lieu thereof, that these 
bonds were sold in this country and P^urope and invested in 
opera houses, marble palaces and other real estate, in the 
names of Tom, Dick and Harry, and consequently the bonds 
were an additional ^ debt saddled upon the road, without 
consideration. But no, this expose would be dangerous for 
an individual or a newspaper against a powerful corporation, 
consequently journalistic wisdom requires that the ring 
rascals must be left to swindle the bondholders, the stock- 
holders and the public, until the thieves were either dead or 
free from immunity. Though the half is not told, we have 
instanced these two cases to show the unwisdom and folly of 
waiting until the horse is stolen before locking the barn 
door. In one case a country came within one vote of losing 
its liberties, and in the other a community lost nearly one 
hundred millions of dollars, most of which fell upon poor 
people not able to bear it, and both because timely warnings 
were unheeded, by the press. 

With a few parting words we close this pamphlet. After 
half a century of experience and observation, one half of 
which has been devoted to writing and publishing newspa- 
pers, tracts and pamphlets for reforms in politics and 
religion, (including *'The Emancipator" at Boston and the 
"Principia" at New York), we grapple with the thankless 
task of giving the results at the mature age of three score 
and ten years. In laying down our pen for a season and 
perhaps forever, we call upon the protestant churches to 
trample Satan under foot and assume an aggressive move- 
ment against his kingdom. We call upon the press of the 
country, both religious and secular, to grapple, while they 
may, with the most cunning, artful and gigantic conspiracy 
against our liberties, known in the history of this republic. 
We call upon both pulpit and pews, press and patrons to 
unite, in one grand effort to protect the sacredness of the 
ballot by legal enactments, bc^h state and national, in the 



99 

way indicated, or a better one. We call upon all Christians 
to practice their Christianity and carry it to the polls, upon 
all patriots to put their patriotism above party, upon all 
republicans to magnify republicanism, upon all democrats 
worthy of the name, to repudiate and publicly condemn, 
bull-dozing, ballot-box stuffing, rifle club intimidation, repub- 
lican shooting, and all other crimes against law and liberty ; 
so that the political trinity of despotism may be destroyed, 
that this infernal conspiracy against republicanism may be 
broken up, that Romanism in this republic may be taught 
obedience to the civil power, (a lesson the Roman hierarchy 
has never learned), and be made to realize that republican 
America is not to be brought under the iron heel of despotic 
Rome, by the dictation of papal priests, at the head of mili- 
tary companies organized contrary to law, and finally we 
call upon our national and state legislatures to protect 
the ballot by legal enactments that will make void an election 
carried by intimidation, curse, threats of excommunication, 
or other undue influence by the Roman catholic clergy. 
The recent decision of the Supreme Court of the Dominion 
of Canada is a noble example worthy of our imitation. A 
Roman catholic was elected to the House of Commons by 
the direct interference of the papal priests, in consequence 
of which the Supreme Court pronounced the election void. 
In the United States the political schemes of the Roman 
hierarchy p^e not pushed so boldly as in Canada, because 
here they sail under the colors of the democratic party. 
Indeed they are part and parcel of it, and the priests have 
no need to take the stump openly, as in Canada, but have 
only to say the word, as in New York city, and the thing is 
done. When they are prepared to back up ballots with 
bullets, we may be sure the mask will be no longer needed. 
The Canada case is thus stated by the Boston Daily Adver- 
tiser of March 3, 1877 : 

"A Blow at Priestly Influence. — The supreme 
court of Canada has rendered a righteous decision and per- 
formed a courageous act in giving judgment on what is 
known as the Charlevoix election case. It is probably well 
known that in Canada, as in Great Britain, the determina- 
tion of election contests has been made the duty of courts 
of law, a custom which we cannot too speedily adopt. At 



I 



100 

the election in Charlevoix the two candidates were Messrs. 
Tremblay and Langevin. It appeared in evidence that, 
before Mr. Langevin would consent to make a canvass for a 
seat in the House of Commons, he required the clergy of the 
Roman catholic church to adopt him as their candidate and 
pledge to him their support. They held a conference, and 
asked him to stand, and then Mr. Langevin accepted the 
candidacy. He went all through the county announcing 
himself as the clerical candidate, and telHng the voters that 
it was their duty to obey the priests. The priests, on their 
part, threatened those men who would not vote for Mr. 
Langevin with excommunication, and also exerted all their 
influence by personal appeals to secure his return. He 
received a large majority, and Mr. Tremblay petitioned 
against his return. The supreme court of Canada has 
granted the petition, and declared the election void. 

The defence could not and did not deny that the priests 
acted in the manner charged, but it was contended that the 
communications of a priest with his flock were privileged 
and could not be inquired into by a secular court. The 
judgment of the court goes to meet this point exactly. It 
is held to be in the power of the court to inquire into the 
means used by the clergy just as much as into the acts of 
laymen. Judge Ritchie well laid down the true theory of 
the rights of the clergy in these words: 'AH clergymen, of 
whatever denomination, have all the freedom and liberty 
that can possibly belong to laymen, but no other or greater. 
The clergyman has no right, in the pulpit or out of it, to 
threaten damage, temporal or spiritual, to restrain the liberty 
of the voter.' That is to say, the priest may use the same 
means to influence voters that are allowed to laymen, but 
no others ; and if he exceeds the liberty permitted to lay- 
men he is amenable to the same laws, and candidates are 
subject to the same disqualifications in consequence of his 
acts as if the intimidation had been practised by a layman. 

The importance of this decision can only be understood 
by those who are aware of the magnitude of the evil that 
has been condemned by it. In the province of Quebec a 
very large majority of the people are catholics and com- 
pletely under the influence of the priests. The practice of 
religious intimidation has been almost universal there, and 



101 

the superior court of the province has held, in a case that 
came before it, that the state could not interfere against the 
acts of a priest. It held that the clergy possessed the 
privilege of exercising spiritual influence which could not 
be passed upon, either as to the naanner or the effect of it, 
by a secular court. This was, it will be seen, what was 
claimed by the defence in the Charlevoix case, but it is now 
denied by the highest court of the Dominion. When it is 
remembered that the supreme court of Canada is made up 
of both catholics and protestants, and that one of the 
judges who concurred in this judgment is a brother of the 
archbishop of Quebec, the courage which was required to 
give this decision against the prevailing authority in one of 
the chief provinces may be better appreciated," 

Why may we not have similar laws, as faithfully admin- 
istered in the United States? Are we already too much 
under the influence of Rome to attempt it? Is republican 
protestantism to stand quivering on the defensive, until 
bound to the car of Antichrist? Is this the legacy be- 
queathed by our fathers to be transmitted to our children? 
God forbid. 

That the conspirators against our liberties did not succeed 
at the last election, we thank God and take courage — that 
they may not succeed in the next, let all christians fervently 
pray and earnestly work. 



102 



CHAPTER VL 

"While the foregoing chapters were passing through the 
hands of the printers and electrotypers, events transpired in 
such rapid succession that it seemed necessary to add an- 
other short chaper, embracing the bargain and sale of the 
republican party in the Southern States. But I mistake. 
It is not a sale, for that transaction implies some considera- 
tion after the delivery of the goods. In this case there is 
none. It is a base and cowardly surrender of the republican 
party, bound hand and foot to the papal politico-inquisition, 
under the name of rifle clubs and bulldozers, commanded in 
South Carolina by Wade Hampton, and in Louisiana by 
F. T. ISichols. The republican party in each state being a 
majority and having a duly elected and legally organized 
government, is thus forced to give place to an organized 
mob, and leave 

THE POLITICAL TRINITY VICTORIOUS. 

In the case of South Carolina more than 30,000 majority 
have failed to "hold the fort" under the peace policy of 
our new President. His volunteer advisers have fairly been 
outwitted, and his constitutional advisers have made a fatal 
mistake in taking the word or the bond of a man who 
signed and sent to our former President the notorious false- 
hood, that " not one drop of republican blood had been shed 
by democrats." The withdrawal of the United States troops 
from South Carolina is simply clearing the track for the 
white rifle clubs to take by force, if need be, the political 
power which the legal voters of the state did not phice in 
their hands. The bulldozers will then crack the whip of 
despotism over the conquered republican majorities to their 
hearts' content. The too free ballot and the free bullet 
constitute the weapons with which the political trio are 
marching on to victory. These are the rocks on which the 
republican ship of state is to be (if not already) wrecked. 
The protection to the ballot we have sugf^ested may not be 
the best. If there is a better way and more effective 
qualification let it be adopted. But something must be 



103 

done to prevent ballot-box stuffing and repeating. This 
machine for electing governors and presidents, of which the 
political trinity of despotism holds the patent, must be 
smashed before it destroys our liberties. To disarm the 
colored republicans who fought for our liberties during the 
war of the rebelHon, and clear the way for their old masters, 
who are fully organized, armed, and equipped, will not do it. 
The protection the Hamptons and the Nicholses promise 
the defenseless negroes is the protection vultures give to 
lambs. The shot-gun argument kills two birds with one 
stone — every rifle-bullet shot into the heart of a black 
republican disposes also of a heretic as well. 

Gov. Chamberlain's last letter to the President on his 
peace policy, is published in the Boston Daily Advertiser, 
of April 3d, 1877, from its Washington correspondent, as 
follows : — 

Washington, April 2. — Governor Chamberlain's last 
letter to the President submits his views of the results to 
be expected to follow the withdrawal of the United States 
forces now stationed in the State house at Columbia. After 
detailing at some length the condition of affairs in South 
Carolina, he states his objection to such action. The first is, 
that "the withdrawal of these forces from the State house 
would be a withdrawal of the support and aid against 
domestic violence by the government of the United States to 
which the State and State government which I represent is 
entitled under the constitution and laws of the United 
States. The claim here made does not, in my judgment, 
involve an assertion of a claim to the permanent presence 
and aid of the United States in upholding a state govern- 
ment. 

The next objection is, that such withdrawal at the 
present time, pending the decision of the question of the 
validity of one or the other of the governments, will be a 
practical decision in favor of my opponent. By this I mean 
that my opponent is at this moment fully prepared, in point 
of physical strength, to overthrow the government which I 
represent. Why. is this? The cause is honorable to the 
political party which I represent. They are law-abiding ; 
they are patient under the infliction of wrong ; they are slow 
to resort to violence, even in defence of their rights ; they 



104 

have trusted that a decent regard for law, a decent respect 
for the rights conferred by the government of the United 
States, has now overtaken them ; they know now that they 
can expect from their political enemies neither justice nor 
mercy ; they have relied with unshaken faith upon the pro- 
tection of the United States. If, therefore, the United 
States forces now stationed at the state house shall be with- 
drawn, they will regard that act, under the circumstances 
now existing, as leaving them exposed to the power and^ 
vengeance of armed, illegal military organizations, which 
cover the state and constitute the political machinery of the 
democratic party; they will regard that act — I speak now 
only of the fact — as a declaration by the United States 
that no further protection can be hoped for except such as 
they hold in their own hand. They cannot alone maintain 
the unequal contest. I certainly cannot advise further 
resistance. That which would be an imperative duty under 
other circumstances would become madness now. My 
opponent demands the withdrawal of the United States 
forces from the state house. The demand is plainly made 
for political advantage in the present struggle. What is this 
advantage? It has been suggested that it is to enable my 
opponent to pursue his legal remedies in the premises. It 
is a sufficient answer to this to say that no hinderance of 
any kind exists to the peaceful and complete enforcement of 
all legal remedies. Every legal right and remedy which 
belongs to my opponent under any circumstances is within 
his unobstructed reach to day, and has been on all days. 
This fact points at once to the conclusion that in demanding 
the withdrawal of the troops from the state house my 
opponent does not desire thereby to secure his own right by 
lawful means or peaceful agencies, but to rob me and my 
associates and constituents of our rights by unlawful means 
and violent agencies. 

If reference be made to the professions of those who 
demand the withdrawal of the troops, that they seek only to 
secure their rights by lawful means, I respectfully answer 
that I am familiar with such professions. They have been 
made with endless iteration during a campaign of unprec- 
edented length, marked from the opening to the close by 
every degree and form of physical insolence. To one not 



105 

familiar with the condition of South Carolina the statements 
I have now made may seem extravagant. I refer for con- 
firmation of all I have stated to the testimony taken by the 
congressional committees during the past winter, and I 
affirm that my present acquaintance with the facts compels 
me to say that this testimony falls short of the truth. The 
republicans of South Carolina have carried on a struggle to 
the present moment for the preservation of their rights. 
Their hope has been that they might continue to live under 
a free government. The withdrawal of the troops from the 
state house will close the struggle, — will close it in defeat 
to a large majority of the people of the state in the sacrifice 
of their rights, in the complete success of violence and fraud 
as agents in reaching pohtical results. To restate the re- 
sults which will follow the withdrawal of the troops from 
the state house, I say first it will remove the protection 
absolutely necessary to enable republicans to assert and 
enforce their claim to the government of the state ; second, 
it will enable the democrats to remove all effective - oppo- 
sition to illegal military forces under the control of my 
opponent; third, it will place all the agencies for maintain- 
ing the present lawful government of the south in the 
practical possession of the democrats ; fourth, it will lead to 
a quick consummation of a political outrage, against which 
I have felt and now feel it is my solemn duty to struggle 
and protest so long as the faintest hope of success can be 
seen." 

The Boston Traveller of the same date has the following 
comments upon the above letter : — 

" Nobody can read this letter without pausing to ask if 
indeed this be the end of free government in the south. 
There are many who do not have the faith which President 
Hayes has in the fair promises by the southern leaders. 
Their faithlessness will be confirmed by the declaration of 
Governor Chamberlain, that the withdrawal of the troops 
will be interpreted by the southern republicans as a total 
abandonment of efforts to protect their rights, and that they 
will relapse into a species of bondage little less hateful than 
that which cursed the southern states before the war. It 
will be confirmed also by the wild demonstrations of arro- 
gant disloyalty consequent upon Hampton's invasion of the 



106 

capital. The tolerated insolence of the old slavemaster is 
a refastening of the bonds of the poorer classes. There is 
no use to conceal the very general feeling that the president 
was disappointed in the effect upon the southern question of 
the visit of Gov. Chamberlain and Wade Hampton to Wash- 
ington, The domineering assumption of Hampton has sent 
a cold chill though every loyal heart in the south, and we 
are afraid that, as Gov. Chamberlain intimates, the action 
of the administration, although inspired by the best motive, 
will sound the death knell of real freedom in the old slave 
states. There will J)e peace, and so there was under slavery. 
There will be a show of justice, as there was when the large 
majority of slaveholders could point to their humane treat- 
ment of chattels as an argument for the divinity of the 
'institution.' But as much as we regret to admit it, the 
prospect looks dark for that liberty and equality to establish 
which the Declaration of Independence was made.'' 

Encouraged by the action of the administration in with- 
drawing the United States troops from South Carolina, the 
bulldozers of Louisiana called a mass meeting in New 
Orleans on the 6th of April, to intimidate the " peace at any 
price" commission sent down by President Hayes. They 
passed resolutions with not enough peace phraseology to 
cover up the "war to the knife" meaning which crops out 
in every line. If we understand the English language as 
used by the trinity of despotism, the resolutions mean just 
this: — *•' President Hayes you are a devilish good fellow if 
you will withdraw your hateful troops and let us have our 
own way. We will then snuff out the Packard government 
and march on to other victories not necessary now to 
enumerate. If you don't do it we will fight it out to the 
bitter end." 

A few days will determine whether President Hayes has 
sent down to Louisiana a mixed commission of doughfaces 
and bulldozers with the liberties of forty or fifty millions of 
people in their keeping, to be offered up a sacrifice on the 
altar of despotism, or whether they will ignore the overseer 
process, assert their own manhood, shake off the dust from 
their feet, of that rebel city ; leave the belligerent bulldozers 
to submit to a legal government legally chosen by a majority 
of the people, or settle the matter with the United States 



107 

troops. We might just as well have Tilden for president 
and done with it, as to have Hayes under the control of 
the bulldozing democracy. But let us hope better things 
though we thus speak. 

[Note, April 23. — Our fears in regard to the commis- 
sion, and not our hopes for better things, are realized.] 

One thing in" regard to Louisiana is as plain as the nose 
on a man's face. If Hayes was elected, Packard must 
have been elected also, for the same votes that chose 
Hayes electors, elected Packard governor. There is no 
dodging it. The Returning Board gave Packard a larger 
majority by several hundred than the Hayes electors. The 
average republican vote was 74,436, while the democratic 
vote was nearly 4,000 less. But it is said that "the question 
of the right of Mr. Hayes to the office of President is not 
before the court at present." Yet it has been before the 
electorial commission and decided in his favor, and now it is 
proposed by the bulldozing warriors to ignore the decision 
of the commission, and the majority of the legal voters of 
the state, shoulder arms, draw the sword, assume the attitude 
of defiance to the government, and as soon as the United 
States troops are withdrawn, substitute the illegal Nichols 
government, for the legal Packard government, and thus by 
threats, stategy, intrigue, and false promises demolish the 
republican edifice by the consent of dough-faced traitors, 
called republicans. But it is also said that "Mr. Hayes 
has the possession, which is nine points in the law." Well, 
what does that avail him, if the assembled wisdom of the 
republican party lay down their arms, and sacrifice their 
hard-earned majorities on the altar of peace, which is not 
peace but war. A writ of quo-warranto would soon settle 
the question, and with republican evidence too. Is the 
party prepared to purchase "peace" at such a price, and 
let loose the rifle-clubs upon the defenceless negroes ? We 
shall see. 

While awaiting the development of the President's south- 
ern policy, the Dally Evening Traveller, of April 10th, 
comes to hand with a refreshing leader of more than a 
column, of which the closing paragraph is as follows : — 

'^ Mr. President and gentlemen of the administration, isn't 
it about time to halt in this career of concession ? Haven't 



108 

we given away enough to men whose citizenship is a matter 
of clemency? Must we add to the abandonment of the 
southern republicans the acknowledgement that the Presi- 
dent has no title to his office ? Isn't this a good time to 
stop fooling, and treat this question of the southern elections 
courageously, honestly, and above board ? The question in 
Louisiana to-day is not, who can collect the taxes ? who can 
organize the courts ? Who can command the militia ? or, 
who can buy up or intimidate the most legislators ? These 
are questions to be settled after the title to the governorship 
is fixed. But the question is, did Hayes and Packard carry 
Louisiana ? or, did Tilden and Nichols carry it ? It is use- 
less trying to dodge it. The Traveller believes that Hayes 
and Packard carried it, and there is no honesty, no decency, 
in sneaking away from this conclusion by saying that one 
carried it while possibly the other might have been defeated. 
That is a lower depth of falsehood and cowardice than the 
republican party and the American people can tolerate. 
Let us set aside boys' play and reassert our manhood. 
Whatever the result, let us settle this question upon its 
merits, and stand squarely up to the defence of that settle- 
ment.^' 

In another column of the same issue we find the following 
scrap showing the progress of " peace," and that Hampton 
is determined to have it if he fights for it The bulldozers 
are bold and defiant because they know they have the papal 
power at their babk, while in front they see nothing but 
weak and diluted republicanism to impede their onward 
march to victory. 

"The crack of the old southern whip is still heard in 
various quarters. Bombastes Hampton has muffled his, but 
behold how adroitly he gives his friends to understand that 
it will be flourishing again in due time. In a speech to his 
friends he says : ' I requested that the troops should not be 
removed until I got here. When that order comes let 
nobody go to that state house. Just let it stand until 1 
want it, and I will tell you when I want it J That is to say, 
' Boys, hold your tempers, but keep your weapons charged. 
If Hayes don't behave himself and Chamberlain don't get 
up and get soon, then steboy ! ' How long will the flunkeys 
continue to pat this Furioso upon the back and encourage 
him to go on in his career of inciting riot?" 



109 

Virginia also flourishes the lash vigorously. A demo- 
cratic exchange says: — 

" Hon. J. Randolph Tucker, member-elect from Virginia, 
is at present in Washington, and in conversation last Thurs- 
day presented some interesting views on the political situa- 
tion. In brief, ' he declares that the democrats in his state 
do not give any special thanks to Hayes for his southern 
policy, for he is doing,' Mr. Tucker says, 'just what the 
democratic party has forced him to do. He is carrying out 
our policy. Why,' said he, ' does any one suppose that the 
people would rest quietly and submit to any other course of 
executive action?'"' 

" That is a pretty able-bodied and vigorous demonstration 
of bullying, for a devotee of the Most cause' to make 
against the President of the United States. It is barely 
possible that the democrats are prematurely expressing their 
real animus, and that there may be a reaction in conse- 
quence. They are presuming rather heavily upon the 
President's good nature and the loyal people's patience. 
This unpatriotic madness should be checked before it breaks 
out. It bodes mischief." 

Every day brings more and more astounding revelations 
of the fruits of the "peace at any price" policy of the 
administration. As we write (April 11), the political trinity 
has gained by strategy the first instalment of what it lost by 
war. Our LIBERTIES are the peace offering on the altar 
of old South Carolina nullification, strengthened and intensi- 
fied by the papal power. Tens of thousands of the repub- 
lican majorities that elected Gov. Chamberlain in South 
Carolina, are swept away by the administration itself (which 
they elected), and for what? Why, at the bidding of the 
bulldozing democracy and unhung rebels. This makes the 
fifth state that has been sacrificed to despotism by ballot-box 
stuffing, bulldozing, shooting, maiming, and murdering 
republicans they could not intimidate. With the restraints 
of the mob withdrawn, the large republican majorities un- 
armed. Gov. Chamberlain practically deposed, by which 
the decision of the electoral commission giving Hayes a 
majority of the electoral college is nullified, the President 
may be ordered to step down and out of the White House, 
or do the work of the conspirators as they may order. Of 



110 

course Louisiana must share the fate of South Carolina. 
The troops of the latter were withdrawn on the 10th of 
April, and Governor Chamberlain issued the following 
address : — 

To the Republicans of South Carolina: — 

" By your choice I was made governor of this state in 
1874, and at the election on the 7th of JSTpvember last, I 
was again by your votes elected to the same office. My 
title to office, upon every legal and moral ground, is to-day 
clear and perfect. By the recent decision and action of the 
President of the United States, I find myself unabled longer 
to maintain my official rights with a prospect of final success, 
and I hereby announce to you that I am unwilling to pro- 
long a struggle which can only bring further suffering upon 
those who engage in it. Announcing this conclusion, it is 
my duty to say to you that the republicans of South Caro- 
lina entered upon the recent political struggle for the 
maintenance of their political and civil rights, constituting 
beyond question a large majority of the lawful voters of the 
state. You allied yourselves with that political party whose 
central and imposing principle has hitherto been the civil 
and political freedom of all men under the constitution and 
laws of our country. By heroic efforts and sacrifices which 
the just verdict of history will rescue from the cowardly 
scorn now cast upon them by political placemen and traders, 
you secured the electoral vote of South Carolina for Hayes 
and Wheeler. In accompUshing this result you became 
victims of every form of persecution and injury. From 
authentic evidence it is shown that no less than one hundred 
of your number were murdered because they were faithful 
to their principles and exercised rights solemnly guaranteed 
to them by the nation. You were denied employment, driven 
from your homes, robbed of the earnings of years of honest 
industry, hunted for your lives like wild beasts, and your 
families outraged and scattered, for no offence except your 
peaceful and firm determination to exercise your political 
rights. You trusted, as you had a right to trust, that if by 
such efforts you established the lawful supremacy of your 
political party in the nation, the government of the United 
States, in the discharge of its constitutional duty, would pro- 



Ill 

tect the lawful government of the state from overthrow at 
the hands of your political enemies. 

From causes patent to all men, and questioned by none 
who regard the truth, you have been enabled to overcome 
the unlawful combinations and obstacles which have opposed 
the practical supremacy of the government which your 
votes have established. For many weary months you have 
waited for your deliverance. While the long struggle for 
the Presidency was in progress you were exhorted by every 
representative and organ of the national republican party to 
keep your allegiance true to that party, in order that your 
deliverance from the hands of your oppressors might be 
certain and complete. Not the faintest whisper of the 
possibility of disappointment in these hopes and promises 
ever reached you while the struggle was pending. To-day, 
April 10, 1877, by the order of the President whom your 
votes alone rescued from overwhelming defeat, the govern- 
ment of the United States abandons you, deliberately with- 
draws from you its support, with the full knowledge that 
the lawful government of the state will be speedily over- 
thrown. By a new interpretation of the Constitution of the 
United States, at variance alike with the previous practice 
of the government and with the decisions of the supreme 
court, the executive of the United States evades the duty of 
ascertaining which of two rival state governments is the 
lawful one, and, by the withdrawal of troops now protecting 
the state from domestic violence, abandons the lawful state 
government to a struggle with an insurrectionary force too 
powerful to be resisted. 

The grounds of the policy upon which this action is 
defended are startling. It is said that the north is weary 
of the long southern troubles. It was weary, too, of the 
long troubles which sprung from the stupendous crime of 
chattel slavery, and longed for repose. It sought to cover 
them from sight by wicked compromises with the wrong 
which disturbed the peace, but God held it to its duty until, 
through a conflict which rocked and agonized the nation, 
the great crime was put away, and freedom was ordained 
for all. It is said that if a majority of the people of a state 
are unable by physical force to maintain their rights, they 
must be left to political servitude. Is this a doctrine ever 



112 

before heard of in our history ? If it shall prevail its con- 
sequences will not long be confined to South Carolina or 
Louisiana. It is said that the democratic house of repre- 
sentatives will refuse an appropriation for the army of the 
United States if the lawful government of South Carolina is 
maintained by military force. Submission to such coercion 
marks the degeneracy of the political party of the people 
which endures it. A government worthy the name — a 
political party fit to wield power — never before blanched 
at such a threat. But the edict has gone forth. No argu- 
ment or considerations which your friends could present 
have sufficed to avert the disaster. No effective means of 
resistance to the consummation of the wrong are left. The 
struggle can be prolonged. My strict legal rights are of 
course wholly unaffected by the action of the President. 
No court of the state has jurisdiction to pass upon the title 
to my office. No lawful legislature can be convened except 
upon my call. If the use of these powers promised ulti- 
mate success to our cause I should not shrink from any 
sacrifice which might confront me. It is a cause in which, 
by the light of reason and conscience, a man might well lay 
down his life ; but to my mind my present responsibility 
involves the consideration of the effect of my election upon 
those whose representative I am. I have hitherto been 
willing to ask you, republicans of South Carolina, to risk all 
dangers and endure all hardships until relief should come 
from the government of the United States. That relief will 
never come. I cannot ask you to follow me further. In 
my judgment I can no longer serve you by further resistance 
to the impending calamity. 

With gratitude to God for the measure of endurance with 
which he has hitherto inspired me, with gratitude to you for 
your boundless confidence in me, with profound admiration 
for your matchless fidelity to the cause in which we have 
struggled, I now announce to you, and to the people of the 
state, that I shall no longer actively assert my right to the 
office of governor of South Carolina. The motives and 
purposes of the President of the United States, in the policy 
which compels me to pursue my present course, are unques- 
tionably honorable and patriotic. I devoutly pray that 
events may vindicate the wisdom of his action, and that 



113 

peace, justice, freedom, and prosperity may hereafter be the 
portion of every citizen of South Carolina." 

D. H. Chamberlain, 
Governor of South Carolina. 

After the abandonment of the republican party of South 
Carolina by the President, who was elected by their votes, 
and turning them over to the tender mercies of their former 
masters. Gov. Chamberlain issued the above address by 
the advice of the officers of his government, withdrawing 
from the unequal contest. Of this triumph of the bull- 
dozers the Daily Evening Traveller of the 11th inst., com- 
mences its leader with the following just criticism: — 

" Governor Chamberlain Sacrificed. — Gradually 
the disloyal and disreputable offspring of human bondage 
and the slaveowners' rebellion are closing in on the helpless 
classes in the interest of a solid south. Gradually and sure- 
ly the boast of the rebel chiefs, that they would gain by 
strategy what they had lost by war, is becoming a part of 
history. Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, Florida, and now 
South Carolina — in rapid succession they have given way 
to the argument of mob violence and social ostracism. And 
sadder than all others is the reflection that it was thought 
necessary for the 'conciliation' of this disreputable element, 
deliberately to deliver over South Carolina after it had 
repudiated them in its sovereign capacity, and helped to 
elect a republican President." 

The rebels in 1871 substituted the bayonet for the ballot. 
In 1865 they were beaten with the weapons of their own 
choice, — they were not hung as they ought to have been, 
but they were given back the ballot for the bayonet, and 
put upon their good behavior. Twelve years have elapsed, 
and it now behooves us to pause and enquire how they have 
used or whether they have abused their privileges. During 
these twelve years our government has reduced its army to 
a peace footing, but it has by no means thrown away its 
bayonets or spiked its own guns, while its rebels were on 
probation. But what have the rebels done in the mean- 
time ? They have corrupted the ballot to a degree unparal- 
leled in history. They have stuffed the boxes with half a 
million of votes, with no legal voters behind them. They 
8 



114 

have sent their representative men to Congress to make 
laws for the nation in the interest of the conspirators. They 
have carried their elections by fraud, violence, and bribery. 
They have ignored, wiped out and destroyed large repub- 
lican majorities by intimidation, bulldozing with all that 
new-coined word comprehends or implies, by surrounding 
the ballot-boxes with armed mobs to prevent republicans 
from voting according to their own conviction of duty, by 
forcing republicans to vote the democratic ticket to save 
their lives, by arresting and imprisoning for twelve months 
a republican vote distributor, including the wife for protest- 
ing his innocence with her arm around his neck, all these 
crimes against the ballot-box, and more were committed up 
to the last presidential election, and all have been or can be 
proven before any competent tribunal capable of protecting 
their witnesses from assassination and murder. 

But what has this immaculate, incorruptable, "infallible" 
(pardon the adjectives) trinity of despotism been about sines 
election. For four months it has, like the cock in the fable, 
split its throat crowing. It has elected Tilden president by 
proclamation hundreds if not thousands of timies. What it 
lacked in legality it made up in audacity. Whatever was 
wanting could be readily supplied by some one of the three 
factors, sworn to and verified to fill the order. In religious 
matters the approval of the Vatican is necessary, but in 
politics that of a cardinal is all-sufficient. 

It has evinced a wonderful sagacity in hunting up wit- 
nesses and manufacturing testimony to make the chain 
perfect After the claim of infallibility has been fully 
established, perhaps omniscience will come next. The 
scheme of the electoral commission, by which the Tilden car 
was to be run upon the track leading to the White House, 
didn't succeed because D. D. F.'s switch did'nt work well. 
Garbled extracts of testimony may be good food for rebel 
congressmen, but nauseating to republicans. Hence the 
change from diplomacy to war — from persuasion to coercion 
— from professions of peace to threats of rebellion. The 
triune despot of bulldozing democracy at this point assumes 
to rule. He doesn't like the looks of those ugly United 
States troops, and therefore demands their withdrawal as 
the only terms on which he will be peaceable. That is to 



115 

say : " Mr. Hayes, if you will hide away your troops and 
give your republican government no benefit of their protec- 
tion, morally or physically, we will trot out our well armed 
rifle-clubs, take possession of these various state govern- 
ments now, and, with the help of our northern copperheads 
and doughface-republicans, capture the general government 
in due time. You may be nominal president, Mr. Hayes, 
but mind you, you must do as we say, and the " niggers " 
and the Yankees must subside into their old places as before 
the war. WE were born to to rule — they to serve." 

This is a humiliating spectacle for any American to con- 
template, who has a drop of Puritan blood in his veins. 

In the name of God and humanity we protest against 
such a dishonorable selling out of the republican party. In 
the name of republican institutions we protest against sur- 
rendering to the rifle-clubs and the bulldozing democracy 
the civil powers they were unable to obtain at the ballot- 
box. In the name of American liberty we protest against 
ordering the cowardly retreat of our army in the face of an 
armed mob bristling with fight. In the name of eight 
million voters we repudiate the sale of our liberties, for 
promises of a peace which ought to be conquered. We 
also reject with scorn and contempt the surrender of 
republican principles to democratic force — the majority to 
the minority — virtue to vice — as the price of peace. We 
remember the shabby trick the slave-oligarchy played off on 
Daniel Webster twenty-seven years ago, when they wrung 
out of him his famous " seventh of March speech," for which 
they promised him the nomination for the presidency. 
After the Massachusetts senator aforesaid, had performed 
his part of the infamous contract in the interest of slavery, 
the oHgarchs hadn't the decency to give him even a compli- 
mentary vote at the nominating convention, and the poor 
man died broken-hearted. In nearly if not quite every case 
of a political bargain between southern slaveholders and 
northern doughfaces, the north was required to perform its 
part Jirst^ and always with the same result as in the Web- 
ster case. 

History is repeating itself with additions and embellish- 
ments. The old slaveholding democracy is coming to the 
front with its papal reserves. Having lost the presidency 



116 

and the solid south, they propose to the national government 
to give them two republican states as a peace-ofFering, so 
that they may not get mad and break things. " Withdraw 
your troops, Mr. Hayes, and your republican governments 
from Louisiana and South Carolinia — substitute the politi- 
cal trinity in these two states, which will give us a solid 
south, and we will promise anything you may ask, pass any 
resolutions that will keep the north still, and admit that you 
are our president. Don't mind, Mr. Hayes, what the 
repubhcans say about invalidating your title to the presi- 
dency, WE will see to that as long as you do such splendid 
work for us." This proposition for a settlement of the 
difficulties the bulldozers themselves inaugurated, is like 
the handle of a jug, all on one side. The political power 
the conspirators claim, to which they have no title, must be 
put into their hands irrevocably and without consideration, 
for be it remembered that political promises are no con- 
sideration in the southern states. They are not worth the 
paper they are written on, nor never were. 

If the republican party must be sold out at retail by 
states, for decency's sake let it be done in a business way, 
not send down a commission to give it away or take their 
pay in moonshine. When a merchant fills an order or sells 
a bill of goods to a doubtful party he sends the bill by 
express marked c. o. d.. by which the expressman under- 
stands that he is to collect on delivery or return the goods. 

But the Matthews-Foster bargain and sale was conducted 
on no such business principles. ^' Gov. Packard," says the 
Traveller, "was elected by the same votes that elected 
President Hayes, and the contract by which he is expected 
to be sacrificed is one of the most infamous examples of 
political dicker that ever blackened American hstory." 

What a pitiable spectacle do we now behold! The 
colored people, who held the bullet-balance of power in the 
war of the slaveholders' rebellion, and the ballot-balance of 
power in the last presidential election, and who used both 
to preserve American liberty and perpetuate American 
institutions, are now oiFered up on the funeral pile of both, 
to appease the wrath of the most corrupt and ungodly com- 
bination of anti-republican elements that ever disgraced the 
human family. These colored people won a victory for 



117 

President Hayes, but a temporary and perhaps irretrievable 
defeat for themselves. 

The national government have yielded all that the con- 
spirators demanded or bargained for. The conspirators are 
appeased, and having gained their ends have nothing to fight 
for. The President holds his office by their sufferance, and 
only during their sovereign will and pleasure. 



THE PRINCIPIA CLUB. 



Art. I. — This association shall be called The Principia 
Club. 

Art. II. — The officers of the club shall consist of a 
President, Secretary, and Treasurer. 

Art. III. — On an invitation by the President, any indi- 
vidual of either sex may become a member of the club by 
the payment of not less than five dollars. 

Art. IV. — The objects of the club shall be to renovate, 
purify, and reform the political and religious sentiment of 
the people of the United States of America, by the editing, 
publishing, and circulating of such documents as are adapted 
to that purpose. 

Art. V. — Members of the club shall be known only to 
each other unless at their own option, or by an unanimous 
vote of the club, except so far as is absolutely necessary for 
the transaction of its business. 

9 Art. VI. — The members of the club shall constitute an 
Advisory Board, to any three members of which the Presi- 
dent may submit for their approval or disproval, any and 
all manuscripts before publication. 

Art. VII. — The President shall perform the duties 
usually pertaining to that office, and in addition shall act 
as Secretary and Treasurer until others are appointed — 
edit all tracts, phamphletG, books and papers of the club, 
and make an annual report to the club of his doings, in 
October of each year. 



118 

After the Principia Club had published chapters three 
and four of this pamphlet as campaign documents for free 
circulation, the inquiries about the club were met by the 
following statement by its President, which was published 
in the Boston Daily Advertiser, of September 27th, 1876, 
and which explains itself. 

THE PRINCIPIA CLUB. 

To the Editors of the Boston Daily Advertiser : — 

This club is composed of gentlemen of the first respecta- 
bility in Cambridge', who probably represent more wealth, 
according to their numbers, than any other club in the state. 
It contains ministers, lawyers, doctors, capitalists, merchants, 
etc., but neither chickens nor college-boys, as has been 
alleged in New York. It is only known to the public 
through two tracts it has published, to wit ; " The Political 
Trinity of Despotism," and " Despotism vs. Republicanism." 
The objects of the club may be further learned from the 
fourth article of its rules, which provides that "the objects 
of the Principia Club shall be to renovate, purify, and re- 
form the political and religious sentiments of the people of 
the United States of America, by the editing, publishing,' 
and circulating of such documents as are adapted to that 
purpose." The third article provides that "by the payment 
of five dollars, an individual will be entitled to member- 
ship." 

As the club does not propose to make any public appeals 
for funds, or go beyond its own members for means to carry 
on its operations, the above is all the public generally are 
entitled to know, beyond the publications of the association. 
As its objects are perfectly legitimate, and within the con- 
stitutional limits of not only this state but the nation, we 
beg those of either factor of the trio we have noticed, who 
feel grieved, to remember that the same channels of com- 
munication with the public are open to them that are open 
to us. To ask the club to discontinue the publication of its 
tracts, is to acknowledge that they can neither answer the 
arguments nor disapprove the facts. 

A Member of the Principia Club. 

Entered according to Act of Con;rrcHs, in tlu; year 1.S77, by tlie Tresident of the Principia 
Club, Cambridge, Mass., in tlie ottice oi the Librarian of Congrcsh, in Wabhington, J). (J. 



'.-:^ 



VATICANISM Unmasked, 



OR, 



ROMANISM 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 



BY 



A PTJKITAN OF THE NINETEENTH CENTTJEY. 



CAMBRIDGE, MASS.: 

PUBLISHED BY THE PRINCIPIA CLUB. 

Post-Office Address Box 104. , 

• 1877. 






vjv^\/wv\jwg\jww' 



j\j\j'»\j\ 



^ysi^m^^p 



^^^V^'^^^^^ 



\jVV^ 






vvv^u^vi, 



■^^yuy^v'v^.y^'v 



jj^jjS^gyW^^'yyi^^Ut;^*^^^^^ 






^ki^M^i^m^EpM^J 






Wh . 



m^yiy^...- : •;•'¥»«' 









^r,,^.^^vwvv 



(VuWvWV 



v^WW^ 



^J^VggyW^JWwg^^^gyvu^,, 



'-^■'iv 



l^^^^vv^'^^^^^'^^.v^'^jv 



PMSyrOT 



www^\g\^| 



-/. V V s> ^i "^i w ^'i V ^.,,'. y '^, V 



Deacidified using the Bookkeeper proces- 
Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide 
Treatment Date: Jarr. 2006 

PreservationTechnologies 

A WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PRESERVATlO^ 
1 1 1 Thomson Park Drive 
Cranberry Township. PA 16066 
(724)779-2111 



' 'W' vf vw^^gyy^W^^^y^: • 












I'\J'\J^\J\^\/ V ■'>^ \^ V V ' 



^y^A4^AJ^kJ^ 



mm0i^^ 



<^\J\/^V\Jd\MVJJJ 



W Lv \^ W v> 



iWWW 



WWWWWV^^^^^^^.'^ 



yy^y^^^^^^ 



^^jw.-«^- 



^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 



fiyvW*^* 



ii^^y 






v¥'^JwwVw 



j^9j*9^^g^w/ 



;W/v^y.^' 



yv'.v.v>> ^^ 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 





017 285 768 1 




